Since the beginning of the trade unions’ activities, there have been women activists who, alongside men, have fought for the rights of teachers and students. However, the presence of “women” in the teachers’ union movement has become more prominent since 2013 (1392). Their participation has significantly strengthened the teachers’ ability to pursue their union goals. After Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s presidency, there was a relative easing of the social atmosphere in Iran. Thanks to the increasing use of social media, justice-seeking teachers found it easier to connect with each other. During this period, the Coordinating Council began building a network for union activities. However, women’s entry into the leadership of the union struggles has caused numerous problems for them. Many women have faced dismissals, demotions, forced retirements, and even arrests and imprisonment due to their union activities.

Sara Siyahpoor is one of the women who has paid a high price in the teachers’ union movement. She has always been at the forefront of supporting affected teachers and students and remains steadfast on this path. Siyahpoor was hired by the Khuzestan Education Department in 2006 (1385), transferred to Tehran in 2009 (1388), and began collaborating with the teachers’ union in 2015 (1394). In 2024 (1403), after 17 years of service, she was dismissed by the Karaj Education Department’s Administrative Violations Board. She was also sentenced to six years in prison by Judge Salavati. The following is an interview conducted with her regarding the rulings against her and her dismissal from the Education Department.

The full interview with this teachers’ union activist follows:

Tell us about how you became acquainted with the trade unions. Did you start your union activities from the beginning of your career?

Both my parents were teachers and are now retired. They were both active union members and part of the Khuzestan Teachers’ Union. From as far back as I can remember, I deeply felt and saw with my own eyes the violation of teachers’ rights. I knew how painful being a teacher was and how much injustice was inflicted on them. However, my own activities began in 2015 (1394). Most of my work has been with the Alborz and Tehran Teachers’ Union, but over time, I became familiar with union activists nationwide and with the Coordinating Council of Iran’s Teachers’ Union.

When did security forces start targeting you? Which agencies were involved?

Since 2017 (1396), I have been summoned and interrogated several times by the Alborz province’s news headquarters, the IRGC intelligence unit, and the security police. In 2018 (1397), without my knowledge, a case was filed against me by the IRGC intelligence unit in the Karaj Revolutionary Court, and without informing me or my presence in court, the case was closed by the prosecutor. Then, in February 2020 (Bahman 1398), two more cases were opened against me in the Revolutionary Court due to complaints by the IRGC intelligence unit. In July 2020 (Tir 1399), an order for non-prosecution was issued for me by the prosecutor, but five days later, under pressure from the IRGC, the order was revoked, and another trial was set in Branch 2 of the Karaj Revolutionary Court. I was charged with disturbing public order, spreading lies, and causing public anxiety, as well as supporting imprisoned teachers and meeting with their families in Branch 110 of the Criminal Court.

But you didn’t publicize your cases. Was there a specific reason for this?

I was probably the first woman involved in union activities to be interrogated, summoned, and prosecuted. I didn’t want these issues to negatively impact the movement. My friends had other arguments, but personally, I didn’t want my summonses and interrogations to create fear among female union activists. So, only my close friends and members of the Teachers’ Union were aware of my problems.

You mentioned that one of your trials was held publicly. Is that true? Did the court have a jury?

There’s been some exaggeration. There was no jury present, but for the first time in the history of the teachers’ movement, my criminal trial, thanks to my lawyer’s efforts, was held publicly on February 21, 2022 (2 Esfand 1400), according to Article 168 of the Constitution, with several union activists from Tehran and Alborz in attendance. I was acquitted after presenting my defense. The Revolutionary Court, which had previously convened, also issued my acquittal in December 2022 (Azar 1401). Over the years, I’ve been summoned by security forces in both Alborz and Tehran provinces. In one interrogation session, I realized they were filming me without my knowledge, to which I strongly objected. In February 2022 (Bahman 1400), I was summoned again by Tehran’s Security Police, and a case was filed against me in Branch 1 of Evin’s Magistrate Court for allegedly belonging to groups supporting imprisoned teachers and publicizing the torture of union activist Javad Laleh Mohammadi. That case was ultimately dismissed without further summonses or notifications. Despite all the pressure and threats, I have never stepped back from defending imprisoned teachers and advocating for union rights, and I’ve been present at every protest called by the Coordinating Council of Iranian Teachers’ Union.

Can you tell us about your last arrest and the case that was filed against you?

On September 23, 2022 (2 Shahrivar 1401), at 7 a.m., as I was leaving home for work, IRGC’s Sarallah forces, in six vehicles, raided and arrested me. Five security personnel, two of whom were women, took me back to my house. When I refused to give them the password to my phone, one of the officers started shouting and threatening to arrest other family members. To create fear, four more officers entered my house and searched it thoroughly. At 11 a.m., I was blindfolded and transferred to Evin Court. There, the security forces present in Evin Court threatened me with prison due to my non-cooperation with the duty judge and the interrogator, and they eventually issued my detention order. I was blindfolded again and taken with a woman and three male guards to solitary confinement outside Evin, in the IRGC Sarallah Intelligence unit. Upon arrival at the solitary cell, despite the presence of cameras and a female officer, I was forced to remove all my clothes. I protested, but I accepted it as part of the struggle, realizing I had to be prepared for anything. During my detention, I was interrogated for hours every day. For the first five days, I only consumed liquids. The harassment didn’t stop there. On the fourth day, they told me I was about to be released and should get ready. After several hours, they informed me that the car had broken down and they would transfer me to Evin another day. On the fifth day, they escorted me with their usual ceremony to Evin. The Branch 3 magistrate (Mohammadi) threatened to extend my detention if I didn’t confess or cooperate, and he did just that, extending my detention for another week. After 10 days in solitary, on September 3, 2022 (13 Shahrivar 1401), I was released on bail of 300 million tomans. While my family and friends were waiting for me in front of Evin for a warm welcome, I was dropped off on the outskirts of east Tehran. This case remains open in Branch 3 of Evin Court, and on January 1, 2024 (12 Dey 1403), in Branch 15, Judge Salavati sentenced me in absentia to one year in prison for “propaganda against the regime” and five years for “assembly and collusion against the Islamic Republic,” along with a two-year ban on leaving the country and a two-year prohibition from social activities and membership in groups or organizations. During the period following my release, I was repeatedly summoned by IRGC intelligence in Tehran and Alborz for interrogations and threatened with dismissal from the Education Department. Due to pressure from the security forces and with the cooperation of the Education Department’s security in Alborz, from January 24, 2024 (5 Bahman 1402), I was barred from entering my workplace, and they didn’t allow me to teach in other schools. In March 2024 (Esfand 1401), a sham appeal trial was held in my absence and that of my lawyer, and the initial six-year prison sentence was upheld. On April 28, 2024 (9 Ordibehesht 1402), I was arrested again. I still vividly remember the words of one of the officers: “We will imprison you for years, fire you, and make you a lesson for other teachers.” His words were not unfounded; a case was immediately opened in the Alborz Education Department’s Administrative Violations Board. The charges against me in this case were “encouraging students to remove their hijab,” “using stickers of the Islamic Republic’s founder,” and “participating in teachers’ protests and sit-ins.” This case ultimately led to my dismissal from the Education Department. On July 15, 2024 (24 Tir 1402), my bail guarantor was notified that within 30 days, I had to report to Branch 1 of Evin’s Sentencing Enforcement Court to begin serving my six-year prison sentence, five of which are enforceable. The bail guarantor was threatened that if I didn’t surrender, the bail would be executed. After consulting with my family and union friends, we decided on civil resistance and not to report for the sentence’s execution.

Did you refuse to report, and was your bail confiscated?

Yes, my bail was seized, and we paid 300 million tomans to the court to release the bail. I would like to take this opportunity to thank all the union activists and my colleagues across Iran for their unwavering support. As soon as they learned of the bail being executed, they launched a support campaign for me.

Have new charges been filed against you?

Yes. In July 2024 (Tir 1403), a new case was opened for me in the Alborz Cyber Police. In August 2024 (Mordad 1403), I faced yet another case in Branch 21 of the Karaj Public and Revolutionary Prosecutor’s Office, for which I’m awaiting a verdict. What the Iranian civil society and international human rights organizations should know is that since my case was referred to Judge Salavati’s Branch 15, I was denied the right to legal representation throughout the process. More surprisingly, the court’s rulings, notifications, and other related documents were never recorded in my personal account in the Sanad electronic system. Even after the six-year sentence was upheld, when I intended to appeal to the Supreme Court, I wasn’t provided with the official judgment. My lawyer had to hand-copy it, get it certified, and submit it to the Supreme Court. This new method by the judiciary is designed to cover up the violations committed in handling security cases. There’s no doubt that judges like Salavati, acting under the orders of security agencies, engage in such conduct. Nevertheless, during the execution phase, I was finally allowed to have a lawyer, and Peyman Derafshan took up my defense. Although our request for retrial has been rejected once, I remain hopeful that I will eventually be acquitted. What’s most disappointing about my case is that the court proceedings were entirely staged, lasting less than 10 minutes. In his ruling against me, Judge Salavati—whose documents are available—copied verbatim the report submitted by the security officers and incorporated it into his verdict, conducting no independent judicial work whatsoever.

Have you received international support?

In the teachers’ union movement, I am the first teacher whose serious legal predicament has led to two political sponsors. Their public sponsorship means a great deal to me. Mr. Andy Fillmore, a Canadian politician and member of parliament, said in one of his speeches, “When I heard Sara’s story, I formed a sisterly bond with her. My mother is also a teacher, and she taught me that when others need support, you must defend and stand by them.” My other sponsor is Ms. Christine St-Pierre, a Canadian politician and journalist, who also stated, “I think of Sara Siyahpoor, a teacher who is imprisoned. I am Sara’s godmother.” I am deeply grateful for this humanitarian perspective, and I’m pleased that regardless of nationality, gender, religion, or language, I have a brother and godmother who have shown me kindness without expecting anything in return.

As a woman active in Iran’s teachers’ unions, how do you assess the challenges and difficulties women face in union activism and, more broadly, in the education system?

To answer this question honestly, I must say that given the patriarchal and ideologically driven society in which we were born and raised, simply being a “woman” poses specific challenges, even without engaging in any activism. For some, the challenges are less severe, and for others, more so. Even for those who receive full family support, entering collective, male-dominated spaces will bring about problems. The individuals in unions and the education system are also products of the same society and emerge from this traditional background. Like other Iranian women, I have encountered these difficulties and am not immune to the prevailing atmosphere. In union activism and in the education system, the first challenge we women face is sexual and gender-based discrimination. In some cases, this perspective has even led to the exclusion of women. However, thanks to my family’s support, I’ve tried for years not to be overwhelmed by the prevailing patriarchy. One of the main goals of civil struggles is to confront such discrimination and violations of women’s rights in society and the workplace. The education system is one of the most ideologically and religiously dominated state institutions. However, I believe we must fight to eliminate this atmosphere, even if we suffer harm along the way. To achieve what is rightfully ours, we must fight, even if the results are small. We must not forget that to gain our natural rights, we lost brave women like Neda Agha Soltan, Mahsa Amini, Nika Shakarami, and many more of Iran’s lion-hearted women. Our retreat will undoubtedly embolden the other side in violating our rights. I believe that those who seek to exclude women will never succeed, especially after the Mahsa (Jina) movement. Women in Iran today will not go back. Today, Iranian women have learned the right language and behavior for struggle, and that’s why they are present in all arenas of resistance. Despite the specific challenges and difficulties women face, their continuous presence in the field of demands will undoubtedly overcome the obstacles. It is more accurate to say: we have learned to endure and persevere in this difficult arena. We women are the “third line” and will remain until the end of this path. We are here because we fight.

Is there anything else you would like to mention?

I want to thank my friends and fellow union activists across the country, and the teachers’ unions, for all their support during my arrests and afterward. A special thank you to my parents and sisters, who stand by me despite all the hardships and continue to support me. I would also like to specifically thank my friends in the Coordinating Council of Iranian Teachers’ Union for their support. A very important point that I must mention is that I personally believe one of the strengths and distinguishing features of the Teachers’ Coordinating Council, compared to other unions, is first the independence of this body, and second, its financial support for the families of imprisoned, dismissed, or suspended teachers across the country.

We are very grateful for the time you’ve given to Peace Mark Monthly Magazine.