The contemporary history of our country is filled with violent protests and nonviolent resistance for changing the political power structure; so much so that it could be considered the first civil resistance of the 20th century by Iranians. This is because the Constitutional Revolution of Iran in 1905-1906 is listed as the first nonviolent revolutionary movement in the 20th century.

During the past one and a half centuries of Iranian civil activism, women have always played a prominent role in advocating for their rights and bringing about political changes. However, in the protests of 1401, for the first time, the issue of women’s rights and their presence in protests became prominent. According to some critics, the issue of women’s rights may seem peripheral in the face of the crises caused by existing authoritarianism, and their emphasis is more on strengthening revolutionary movements for overcoming authoritarianism and transitioning to democracy. In this regard, the question arises: what is the significance of the issue of women in the protests of 1401 according to such perspectives?

At first, the subject must be examined more closely. The first question is which among the campaigns that have been attempted to change the current political structure have been more successful?

The criterion for examining campaigns is structural change, regardless of whether this change ultimately occurs within the framework of the system; such as constitutional revolutions that preserve the political system and transform its content, or revolutions that overthrow the political system and establish a new one. According to the common term in the political space of Iran, this change ultimately leads to overthrow or is carried out reformistly.

“Erika Chenoweth”, a political scientist in America, called these campaigns “maximum resistance campaigns” and examined their track record in the 20th century. Through her research, she concluded that the more participation from the community in a campaign, the higher the chances of success, leading to the well-known “3.5% rule”. She mentioned that throughout the 20th century, all campaigns that reached their peak with 3.5% of the community actively participating, were successful. The main outcome was the same. Nonviolent campaigns were twice as likely to succeed compared to those that used armed tactics to try and change the structure. Therefore, it can be concluded that nonviolent campaigns provide a greater platform for participation and increase the chances of success. With the efforts of Chenoweth and other researchers who emphasized nonviolence, these campaigns, known as “civil resistance campaigns”, were introduced to the world as a successful method for changing political structures.

But in the 21st century, the world took on a new form. The information and technology revolution had begun decades ago, and after 2006, with the emergence of the internet and then social networks, the virtual space gained more power. This great transformation also had deep political impacts. In various studies, researchers have concluded that societies have moved from formal activism to informal activism, and from membership in political parties and civil and trade organizations to “clicktivism” in the virtual space and social networks. Instead of participating in elections, people are more present on the streets. These changes were not limited to democratic and developed countries, but had an impact on all societies. These impacts led Erica Chenoweth, who had written the book “Rethinking Violence: States and Non-State Actors in Conflict” in 2010, to address new issues in her next book at the end of the 21st century, called “Civil Resistance: What Everyone Needs to Know.”

The success rate of civil resistance campaigns in the 20th century had greatly decreased. Although, based on the experiences of societies throughout the 20th century and various research, a wide range of tactics of civil resistance had been recognized, the use of street protests had significantly increased. However, this tactic had the potential for more suppression against various forms of strikes, boycotts, sit-ins, etc. In the past, as soon as one method became vulnerable, campaigns would turn to alternative methods; such as in the February 1979 revolution, after the massacre in Jaleh Square in September and the increasing concerns of the community to participate in street protests, the use of strikes was put into action. But in more recent experiences of civil resistance, this change in tactics did not easily occur.

Most importantly, civil resistances were accompanied by widespread acts of violence; meaning that although the majority of actions during the campaign were carried out through nonviolent means, after the suppression of the movement by government forces, some participants resorted to retaliatory violence in certain areas for self-defense. The increase in these peripheral violence despite the increase in the number of civil resistances, decreased the level of participation in each, greatly diminishing their chances of success. In analyzing the reasons for these changes, one key factor was revealed: the new civil resistances were based more on virtual spaces rather than political, civil, or labor organizations.

The loss of organization and reliance on virtual space, on one hand, reduced the potential for using diverse and effective tactics and also diminished the potential for change, while on the other hand, it eliminated the possibility of managing the field to prevent the occurrence of marginal violence; therefore, marginal violence has turned into the Achilles’ heel of recent civil resistance due to the absence of widespread political and civil organizations. The protests of 1401 were also not immune to this crisis. It seems that in order to achieve victory in future civil resistances, efforts must be made to strengthen civil, trade, and political organizations within the country.

The issue of women’s participation in civil resistance and the promotion of egalitarian perspectives is raised for this reason. In her 2019 research, Chenoweth arrived at newer findings. This time, she examined the impact of women’s political participation in civil resistance from 1945 to 2014 and concluded that women’s political participation and the promotion of egalitarian ideas in civil resistance reduces the likelihood of peripheral violence and increases the likelihood of disobedience by repressive forces, ultimately increasing the likelihood of victory. In addition, she also arrived at a major revision in her initial findings. This researcher stated in her new conclusion that in cases where women’s participation in the front lines of civil resistance was limited, an increase in their participation did not have any impact on the likelihood of victory.

In order to achieve widespread participation of women, it is necessary to understand that the presence of women in the front lines is dependent on their presence in the management of organizations that have shaped civil resistance. Chenoot emphasizes that without a significant level of women’s participation in civil and political organizations, the possibility of using women as a tool is impossible and ineffective. With this in mind, if we look at Iranian society, we realize that we are facing a serious crisis. Although the issue of women and women’s rights was one of the main focuses of the 1401 protests, women’s participation requires independent research. Especially if we do not consider civil disobedience against compulsory hijab as part of civil resistance for changing the political system, and see it as a type of reformist action within the existing political structure.

In such a situation, if we only refer to the available statistics, among the 481 casualties listed in one of their reports, we see the names of 48 women and girls. Even after excluding the names of the casualties in Sistan and Baluchestan province – where there are mostly men – only 10% of the casualties are women. This number increases to nearly 20% when it comes to arrests. Although these numbers cannot be used as a measure of women’s participation, it raises the possibility that even in the most women-led civil resistance in Iran, women’s participation may be less than a quarter.

In Chonut analyses, the level of women’s participation is considered limited up to 25%, moderate from 25% to 50%, and extensive at 50% or more. Therefore, with extensive organization and an increase in participation in civil resistance in 1401, the likelihood of success does not increase. As a result, activists who believe in changing the political structure through civil resistance should strive to create opportunities for increased political and official participation of women in Iranian society.

In recent years, various and numerous studies have been conducted on women’s political participation in Iran, from the lowest levels such as voting to the highest, which is holding positions of power. Research that focuses on women’s presence in power structures identifies laws, procedures, and anti-women attitudes of those in power as the main barriers to women’s political participation. While this issue creates many limitations, it can still be effective in political participation within opposition political movements.

Another category of research has pointed out that political participation requires education and financial independence. Although in the past few decades, the level of education among women in Iranian society has greatly increased and even surpassed that of men, due to legal, political, social, and cultural structures, and especially the recent decade of economic recession, women have a small role in the economy of Iran. This factor can partially explain the issue, but considering that women’s participation in civil society organizations is higher than men, it seems that this is not a sufficient explanation for their lack of political participation.

Maryam Samaei and her colleagues studied the reasons for women’s greater inclination towards working in civil society organizations (CSOs) compared to political parties. (1) They concluded that the main reason for women’s preference for non-political CSOs is their non-political nature, followed by their effectiveness, and finally the sense of security in their activism. Based on the results of these studies, political activists who seek change through civil resistance should strive to strengthen political and civil organizations and create a suitable space for women’s participation, in order to eliminate the male-dominated political atmosphere in the country.

Note:

1- “Samaii, S., Marziyeh, K., Khesto, R., Rahim, M., & Saeed, M. (2012). “Analyzing the pattern of women’s activism in parties and organizations during the 1970s and 1980s.” Women in Development and Politics Journal, Vol. 21, No. 2, Summer 1401, pp. 259-285.”