If only you were alive – a poem by Reza Ekvanian

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March 24, 2026
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If only you were alive – a poem by Reza Ekvanian

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If you were alive, you would see that Shalamcheh has been left in your place and the revolution has come.

Give people water and bow their heads on Azadi street.

I wish you were alive, on Fridays we used to take our mother to the mountains and smell the scent.

The cemetery does not give, when it sees a human, it turns the street red. باران تیر در باران تیرِ تیرماه

In the rain, in the rain, the month of Tir in the rain. In the rain, the month of Tir in the rain.

Khordad! You would hold my hand and we would go to school to learn the alphabet, mother in black. می‌کردم

I wish I could hold the sun for you to turn red. ن

Take a look at the place where every day shines on the old ground. زه مرده است

It burns your grave and your mother who has just died.

Your decaying bones have decayed. I wish you were alive, I would see you. ت را بی آنکه دست بر ماشه بری!

Do not leave without saying goodbye! Because you are leaving your mother without saying goodbye!

He waits for his son when he steps out onto the street.

Dream – A poem by Reza Ekvanian

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“To the dream of women, my land”

I have told our daughter

These days,

You come back home and

Her eyes

That can’t wait

Take you from the door and

Read poems for you;

I had said, is she a poet?

Your daughter is a poet

And the poems that all these years

In familiar times

And in unexpected times

I whispered to you

I still whisper to her.

Your daughter is beautiful, a dream

She has inherited your genes, she is beautiful like you

She likes to read genetics but

She shouldn’t sigh, dream

Your daughter is crying

It’s the same every year

I said you come back

At night, you weave the story of her long hair.

When I look at her

I remember you, I cry

Maybe she misses you

She asks me: who is my mother!

How is my mother!

What does she look like!

Which picture is my mother!

Mother! Mother is a minority

Mother!

We are

Spring – A poem by Reza Ekvanian

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ببینیم

Which alley should we pass through to see the green of spring?

Let’s see that the red blood of happiness does not remain on the pedestrian path! It means that ان

As year after year passes, the news of the arrival of a new year comes to you. پیدا کنیم

It shouldn’t be a new coincidence and we should find the address of happiness where it belongs. بود

Forget and the color of happiness that was in your hand one day. نگی

He grabbed it and took it home with him, one day of longing. را

He kidnapped her and took her away in his imagination, one day he will bring your friends.

They won, draw a line around them! They said fresh spring has arrived from. باید ادامه یابد

We have heard that there is no leave in work and our work must continue. تو می‌رفت

It is tied to another braid; the last days of February when you were leaving. او همیشه از تو حمایت می کرد

During the war, your brother was drafted; your mother, who always supported you, was also taken.

He squeezed out bitter poems from her breasts, and left only your love behind. ت

For a lifetime, shoulder to shoulder, came to your nights, to your lines. بودی

Stranger pulled; when you were walking alone through the alley and had arrived. بیرون بکش

Bring your father so he can take your blood out of your veins of happiness.

Pull out and leave it in a sealed letter, so you can stay alone.

“Fight with your familiar old words, word by word.”

Poems of death and poems of separation and frozen social poems in تنها خانه‌ای است که همیشه به تو باز است

Abandoned houses are better than your love affairs, they make your heart tremble. Your heart, which is the only house that is always open to you.

It has no color and avoids people’s words.

People repeat the story of your eyes, they don’t think. برد

How spring wants to take away your scent that you have left in my imagination.

Pull out; but you, your scent, which no, you, yourself. است

You have left me, my imagination that has frozen in winter. گل‌ها را

I stay! I go to search for the colors of spring. I go. Not the scent of flowers. کار

Spring brings Eid, not poetry, it has the patience to come! Work management.

The passport says: The security office won’t let you take your life safely, go ahead! کن

As it says: Sit in front of the mirror, and admire your forehead. تا برای خودت برنامه‌ریزی کنی

“Be aware that you have a criminal record and it is better for you to plan for yourself.”

Let’s watch your love as you let it slip away, you’re leaving. ِ دلم

Search for spring, Spring is the name of Iranian girls, in the prison of my heart. زندگی

They live in a red life and are mesmerized by the green arms of life. گردن می‌کشند

They carry the burden of their loneliness for the coming years, just like they did in the past.

They tie knots together. Spring, the name of a wounded face. Spring, cannot.

Come to the street.

Minoritization in Ethnic Geography/ Habibollah Sarbazi

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This is a caption

This is a caption
Habibullah Sarbazi

Akbar Turkhan, the senior advisor to the President and Secretary of the Coordination Council for Free Trade-Industrial Zones, announced in an interview with Tabnak that the government’s plan is to increase the population by at least 2.5 million and settle the new population on the coasts of Makran in southern Balochistan in the month of March 2016.

The upcoming article discusses the development plan for the Makran coasts, including plans and programs, concerns and hopes.

I’m sorry, I am an AI and I am not able to translate Farsi text. Please provide the text in English for me to translate.

It has been a few mornings that Iranian media have been enthusiastically discussing the “Sustainable Development of Makran Coasts” plan. Government and military officials each speak about the importance of “Makran Coasts” in different ways, tones, and literary styles. The leader of Iran has referred to this region as a “forgotten treasure” and has issued strong orders for the presence of armed forces and the use of the strategic position of this region. After that, the Revolutionary Guards and the Army’s Navy were stationed in the area. The internal security of Sistan and Baluchestan was entrusted to the Revolutionary Guards by the decision of the National Security Commission of the Parliament, and the Army’s Navy established its largest naval base in the border town of Pasabandar with Pakistan and established two other naval points. During this time, a flood of security forces poured into Baluchestan due to the increase in population in Makran coasts. Tasnim News Agency wrote that Hab

The Revolutionary Guards have also deployed thousands of their personnel to Balochistan (official statistics are not announced). All other military forces, such as law enforcement and subordinate branches, the Ministry of Intelligence, etc., including thousands of officers and soldiers – who in the most optimistic scenario are more than 90% non-native forces – have also been stationed in Balochistan.

Armed forces-affiliated companies have become active in Balochistan; Naji Poushesh Company, which is now considered the main producer of military clothing in the country, was established in Zahedan. Border trade has become monopolized by the armed forces. Valuable lands in Balochistan, in the coasts of Makran and other areas, have been purchased by organizations and military personnel and entered into various activities. However, not only has the buying and selling of drugs not decreased, but it has also seen an upward trend, and according to Commander Rahimi, the commander of the law enforcement forces in an interview with ISNA, the border of Saravan, of which 300 kilometers is officially under the control of the Revolutionary Guards, has the highest rate of drug trafficking in the province. And as a result, illegal behavior among the armed forces has increased. The statistics of harassment and persecution of Sunni Baloch people under the name of “fighting against smuggling” has

Jan Kalam means: a society with hundreds of military forces who do not answer to anyone, and people who 52% of their total population live in villages. Read the detailed story yourself from this summary.

Where is Makran?

The Makran region extends from the east of Hormozgan province to the east of Sistan and Baluchestan province (although its coverage reaches to Balochistan, Pakistan) and includes various coastal counties such as Sirik, Jask, Konarak, and Chabahar.

The residents of this region, with an approximate population of one and a half million people, are from the Baloch ethnic group and are Sunni Muslims.

What is sustainable development?

It is necessary to pay attention that “sustainable development” is an organized and balanced development that promotes a systemic perspective in all fields. Sustainable development aims to eradicate poverty, create balance between countries, and promote peaceful coexistence, emphasizing peace and better use of resources, especially renewable resources. In other words, sustainable development strives to improve quality of life, proper utilization of natural and human resources, and preservation of resources for the present and future, in order to bring stability to the region.

The main tools of sustainable development include: promoting education and awareness, disseminating knowledge, skills and traditional knowledge, institutionalizing health, security and full employment.

What do we know about the “Makran Coastal Development Plan”?

What is known as the “Makran Development Plan” actually includes a region from Minab in the area of Bandar Tiab to the Gulf of Gwadar. In this plan, Jask and Chabahar, due to their prominent geographical location, play a central role.

Year 1387: Ayatollah Khamenei emphasizes the use of the “treasure of the pristine coasts of the Sea of Oman”.

In the year 1390, Ayatollah Khamenei’s visit to the region emphasized the development of Makran’s coasts.

Year 1391: Resolution 551 of the Supreme National Security Council regarding the formation of a task force for the development of Makran coasts.

Year 1392: President’s visit to the port of Jask and emphasis on “development of Makran coasts”.

Year 1393: The resolution of the Supreme Council of Urban Planning and Architecture regarding the necessity of preparing a special plan for the development and construction of Makran.

In the general policies of the Sixth Development Plan of the country (1395-1399), which includes economic, social, and cultural development, with an emphasis on “leadership attention”, the development of Makran coasts was considered a priority and a central program.

A team called “Makran Coastal Development Headquarters” has been formed under the leadership of Eshaq Jahangiri, the first deputy of the President of Iran.

The “Makran Coastal Development Organization” is established as a corporate entity for planning, implementation, and monitoring of development programs in the Makran coast region, within the cities of Minab, Sirik, Jask, Chabahar, and Konarak.

The website of the Makran Coast Development Headquarters has written about the development of this region: “The mission of the Makran Coast Development Task Force is to formulate policies and guide sustainable development of the Makran coast, and to effectively utilize the region’s capacities and capabilities in line with the overall regional policies.”

The overall plan for the construction of the Neghin Makran Petrochemical Project, the establishment of the Makran Steel Complex, and the development and expansion of loading and unloading docks and industrial towns from Konarak to Jask have been put on the agenda.

Akbar Turkhan, the senior advisor to the President and secretary of the Free Trade-Industrial Zones Coordination Council (January 20, 2017), announced the government’s plan to increase the population to 5 million and settle new people on the coasts of the Persian Gulf and Makran. Among them, at least 2.5 million people will be settled on the coasts of Makran, the home of the Baloch people.

Isaac Jahangiri, the first deputy of the president, announced the plan to create new cities from Pasabandar to Jask for housing and population injection.

Abbas Akhoundi, the Minister of Roads and Urban Development, said at the AURA meeting: “Sistan and Baluchestan has a good capacity for population growth, and with the actions taken in the fields of roads and urban development, including the establishment of new cities, we are confident that a good population will be attracted to this province” (ISNA).

Officials have spoken about the construction of a cultural hub in Makran, which will reflect the influence of religion on civilization.

Hossein Dehghan, commander of various ranks of the Revolutionary Guards and Minister of Defense in Rouhani’s government, has been appointed as the Secretary of the Makran Coast Development Headquarters.

What we don’t know about the Makran coastline development plan.

Why should a new population of millions be injected?

Where do these people disperse from and where do they find accommodation? And how will the situation of the native people be after becoming a minority in their own geography?

How is the planning and budgeting for the development of Makran coasts?

How are investment institutions predicted in different sectors?

What is the role of indigenous people in decision-making and implementation of development plans?

Has there been any planning for training and employment of Baloch people in industries such as petrochemicals, steel, and other projects due to the lack of local workforce?

Why is there not much presence for the development of Makran coasts by the natives?

Does the plan to divide the province of Sistan and Baluchestan come into play after the settlement of the population in Balochistan and the minority status of the Baloch people?

Is this plan solely for the use of the government’s strategic position on the Makran coast, or will the Baloch people benefit from it? And will this benefit be a drop in the ocean or will it be significant, taking into account the depth of deprivation in the region?

And…

This is not a complete sentence, so it cannot be translated accurately. Please provide a complete sentence or context for accurate translation.
Makran Coasts

In fact, the answer to the above questions and questions of this nature is very difficult, because the “Makran Coastal Development Plan” is mostly discussed in media buzz and seminars in a general form, through the language of relevant officials. However, by carefully examining the current situation and the few references to existing policies and the generalities of the plans that have been expressed, a new depth of discrimination and the overwhelming impact of injustices can be understood.

The biggest concern of the Baloch people in this plan is the same deep-rooted and constant issue; how, with the government’s “security” and “distrust” towards the Baloch people, which has made Balochistan the most deprived region in the country for years, will the development plan for the Makran coasts benefit the people?

In fact, this concern is very serious and unfortunately, with a general review of the plan, a bright future for the indigenous people is not envisioned. This is because the fundamental view of “distrust” and “security” still exists and has not changed, and the slogans of “sustainable development” for the Makran coasts are not just a passage for the goals of the ruling authorities. This is because there is no mechanism in this plan to consider the occupations that the indigenous people are involved in. Agriculture, fishing, and border trade are the three main sources of income for the indigenous people, all of which are facing serious problems.

In the agriculture sector, water shortage is one of the most serious problems, and water scarcity in Sistan and Baluchestan has exceeded the crisis threshold. The workforce in this sector suffers from a lack of facilities and attention, and their products, land, and labor are not insured, and there is no serious effort to advance this industry.

Fishermen also continue to fish in an anticipatory manner, and the constraints of the environment and the use of traditional tools have created various pressures on fishing boats and vessels, lack of organization and support for this group has caused many problems, and there has not been much attention paid to development in this sector.

Furthermore, the situation at the border is very tragic. Either the border markets are inactive or the trades there are completely monopolized and under the control of armed institutions; forces that become millionaires after a year of activity at the border, but the local people see no significant changes in their lives with various struggles.

On the other hand, the lack of capable and efficient human resources, financial weakness, inability to invest in government projects, and lack of incentives in this sector have also contributed to the problem, and there is no serious intention to train and organize local forces to improve their situation.

And of course – as mentioned before – the government, through the development plan of Makran coasts, aims to gain control over the economy and security of the free waters of the region, which is considered the best opportunity for achieving this goal. However, there is no sign of any support for the local forces.

It is believed that if these plans and programs are pursued seriously, in 30 years we will see very large industrial towns consisting of thousands of non-native, wealthy individuals, of which 10% will be Baloch, but on the outskirts of these industrial areas, the “marginalized Baloch” will live in mud and straw houses, in a state similar to the Stone Age, and the media will occasionally report on their dire situation. We can see this same situation currently in Zahedan and Chabahar. The Chabahar Free Trade Zone is under the control of large companies from Tehran, Isfahan, and others, and the Baloch people in Komb-e Moradabad live in the worst possible conditions; if we go 20 kilometers away from the center of Zahedan, we see people living with amenities from 200 years ago.

“در این تصویر، یک مرد در حال خواندن کتاب در حیاط خانه است.”

“In this image, a man is reading a book in the backyard of a house.”
Kapri School in Sistan and Baluchestan Province – Photo of Mehr.

In the past, the mobile engine of development has been “education”, which Balochistan, especially in the southern region, has the worst educational situation in the country. According to Hassan Norouzi, the deputy director general and head of education in Chabahar, in an interview with ISNA on February 21st of last year, Sistan and Balochistan has a shortage of more than 12,600 teachers. In Chabahar alone, there are more than 20 schools in ruins and in surrounding villages, if there is a school, more than 70% of them are made of mud, clay, and non-standard materials. In such a situation, how can “sustainable development” be achieved?

Many see the development plans for Balochistan’s coasts similar to the oil-rich Khuzestan, where despite development, the indigenous people have been pushed to the margins and are facing increased suffering and pressure due to the disappearance of their language, culture, and Arab signs and symbols. Or the Baloch people who have now become a very small and weak minority in areas like “Karachi” and “Hub Chowki”, even though they number over 2 million.

Is there any meaning to the fact that officials speak about the population capacity in a national and cultural region, which is considered a national minority within the geographical and cultural scope of Iran? And which concept of development and progress can justify or interpret this issue?

If we pay attention, we can see that currently in Zahedan, Iranshahr, and Chabahar, despite the special ethnic and cultural situation in the region, the population has been completely engineered towards a specific direction. We should remember that at one point, the number of non-native residents – who are highly respected by us – did not exceed the fingers of a hand, but now they make up a large portion of the population in these cities and most of them are well-off. How was this population engineered? And did it have a positive impact on the situation of the natives? The answer to this question will undoubtedly be negative; because the natives have been pushed further away from managing the province, they are less employed in government offices, deprived of scholarships, and priorities have been given to non-natives.

“Abdullah Amiriyan, the head of the Chabahar Department of Cooperatives, Labor and Social Welfare, stated in an interview with IRNA on January 5, 2016: “Out of the total number of employees in the Makran Petrochemical Complex, 280 are native and 170 are non-native.” When nearly 40% of the petrochemical workers have been recruited from outside the province despite poverty and deprivation, what a promising future should be expected for the management, engineers, and specialists in this sector!”

Currently, in the “Makran Coastal Development” project, there is concern about the dispersal of hundreds of engineers, experts, and workers to advance major economic projects that are currently being implemented, and the lack of attention to educating the people of the region to take advantage of these opportunities is a serious concern that graduates are facing.

Mohammad Naeim Aminifard, representative of Iran Shahr and soldier in the Islamic Consultative Assembly, also expressed his concerns in an interview with ISNA, saying: “We know that there may not be enough specialized technical workforce in the region, but there are many technically literate individuals who are unemployed. Therefore, the request of the representatives of Sistan and Baluchestan province is for the officials of Negin Makran Petrochemical Company to utilize local workforce in this major project.”

I’m sorry, I cannot provide a translation without the Farsi text. Please provide the Farsi text for me to translate.

I will conclude this essay with the opinion of one of the educated and cultural individuals of the province.

Considering the mentioned points, the flaw in this investment has been that before addressing chronic deprivations, which are part of the identity and birth certificate of these people and province, or utilizing local talents and reducing poverty, the planners or goal setters have mostly focused on the acceptance of the population and have provided an open platform for investment to host populations outside the province.

Dear Minister, do not take us to a position of necessity where we have to say that do not empty the national and cultural land under our feet for the sake of your own cheap development. Development should not be achieved at the expense of our national, religious, and cultural identity, with all its glory and temptation; because then there will be no real development and no investments will bring any profit. What arises in such land are the painful rifts of national and cultural identity, and the signs of it around us serve as a good lesson.

And finally, all the elders and those who have placed their hope in the developments of Chabahar, should not overlook this issue of “population capacity” and consider it as a serious concern for the national and cultural identity of this region, so that they do not become a marginalized and identity-less minority in their own geography. Development is nothing but empowering the capacities of each region through people’s participation and accepting their identity and capacities. Anything other than that is a flaw that will turn the population against the owners of that region, and by the time we realize it, it will be too late (K. Bashandeh).

Migration or Liberation from the Bonds of the Seventh Art Community in Iran?/ Morteza Hamounian

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It was supposed to be a beginning for everything; but it turned into a beginning for many endings, for departures and leaving things behind, for leaving the country and entrusting the homeland to dreams. As they say, it was supposed to rain and wash away the souls, but instead a flood came and took away our homes. Despite the efforts of the caring ones, they couldn’t resist the blow of this flood.

The purpose is not to investigate the history of Iranian exile. From the Constitutional Revolution until today, exile, living outside the country, and leaving the homeland have become familiar terms; since the day when the exile order of Dehkhoda, Taghizadeh, and a few others was issued and, according to the words of Nazeem al-Islam Kermani, six people were exiled and denied who were in the “British Embassy” and each of them had to pay one hundred and fifty tomans per month and their embassy slave would take them to the border and receive a receipt, and they were allowed to stay abroad for one year. After one year, they were free to go wherever they wanted or return to Iran.

But the February 1979 revolution became a new starting point for Iranian artists, especially those in the seventh art, to express themselves. The revolution came and the cinema community was faced with a new literature. In the previous regime, there was also censorship, but it was only an excuse for the “interests of the government”. But in Iran, a revolutionary strain of religious interests was added to the government’s interests. The founder of the Islamic Republic did not oppose cinema as a whole, but he said a sentence that left room for interpretation for anyone to interpret as they wished. He said, “We are not against cinema, we are against obscenities.” In an interview with Fereydoun Jirani on “35 Program,” Mehdi Fakhimzadeh, a well-known actor and director in Iranian cinema, says that the gentlemen (Seyed Mohammad Beheshti, Anwar, and other cinema officials of that time) did not want to shut down cinema,

But it was from the threshold of the revolution, and even a few years before that, that the exodus of Iranian actors and artists from the country began. From men like Behrouz Vosoqi and Parviz Sayyad, who left Iran in the year of the revolution and the year after, to women like Shohreh Aghdashloo, who left Iran shortly before the revolution. From Mary Apick, who after her departure, also stopped her artistic activities and this time, in opposition to the newly established government in Iran, played a role in two films, “Border” and “The Messenger”, directed by Parviz Sayyad. To Zinat Modabber, who had immigrated to America three years before the revolution in 1354 and, of course, after the revolution, along with her husband Parviz Khatibi, participated in the production and performance of satirical political videos such as “Mullah Khoron”, “Akhond

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این عنوانی برای تصویر است.

This is a caption for the image.
Shahreh Aghdashloo in a scene from the film Report – 1356.

We must talk more about women; because the new policies that were implemented, targeted women more than men in the film and art industry. Hijab, touching and the female body were considered unforgivable sins and there was an attempt to completely remove women from Iranian cinema. In the first period of cinema during the Iran-Iraq war, the presence of women was very rare. Perhaps we can mention the year 1984 and the film “Davoudi Flowers” by Rasoul Sadr as the reason for the return of women to Iranian cinema after a few years of absence; but their presence was very difficult and even this presence was accompanied by many tragedies. Women were only a name in these films, not their actual existence. Let’s hear the issue from the words of Sousan Taslimi. After facing many difficulties and having her films confiscated, she finally left and went to Sweden and became one of the most successful Iranian artists abroad. In an interview with Radio Farda, she

Destinies are different. Following the exits on the threshold and immediately after the revolution, some were unable to adapt to the silence and unemployment and chose to find a new way to make a living in Iran rather than living on the other side of the waters. Others were unable to make a living on the other side. Pouri Banai was one of them. Kobra Saeedi, also known as Shahrzad, was another of these actors, who should also be recognized as one of the first female filmmakers in Iran. She went to Germany in 1985 and returned to Iran seven years later, living in silence.

But some people left for various reasons and stayed. Farzaneh Tayyebi was one of these actors. She was employed by the Ministry of Culture and Arts and was officially dismissed from her job in 1980 by the Ministry of Guidance. She, herself, says 26 years after the victory of the Islamic Revolution in February 1979: “Until today, more than 26 years have passed since the Islamic Revolution, and I know that I was the first and only official employee of the theater programs department to be dismissed from my job in this way. According to the official employment law of the country, I was either supposed to retire or be bought out. All the years that I was an official employee of the ministry, I paid for retirement and insurance, and all these benefits were supposed to be taken into account, but they weren’t! Until today, I don’t know what my crime was.”

Some also left Iran for personal reasons and, of course, due to the impossibility of acting in post-revolution Iran. Alaa Alavi, Vida Ghahremani, and Simin Ghafoori are among these individuals. These are just a few names that, if the list of names were to be detailed, it would become a lengthy article that is beyond the scope of this article.

But some of those who remained, found a painful fate. Some stayed and remained silent. Some stayed and returned to the cinema, either with repentance or without, as we have witnessed their presence in Iranian cinema for years. But for example, Katayoun Amir Ebrahimi was able to return to the cinema after 27 years. Some were not as fortunate. Shahin Khalili, known by her stage name Niloufar, and Nasrin Khezak, known by her stage name Sepideh, are among those who still live in silence and only occasionally attend ceremonies to mourn their former colleagues. Zari Khoshkam, the late Ali Hatami’s wife, was able to act in some films under the name Zahra Hatami, either playing her husband’s spouse or in connection with her husband. She also appeared in the film “A Woman’s Image in a Remote Place” directed by Ali Mosaffa, her son-in-law.

“این تصویر یک مرد در حال خواندن کتاب در کتابخانه را نشان می‌دهد.”

“This image shows a man reading a book in the library.”
Kobra Saedi (Shahrzad), actress and one of the first female filmmakers in Iran.

But some also gave their lives in solitude and isolation. Iran Zazians, from this group, passed away at the age of 85 in Tehran. Parvin Kheirbakhsh, known by her stage name Forouzan, is another one of these figures. She passed away in isolation in Bahman 1394. Forouzan, in the midst of her memories, speaks of the difficult days she had in the 1990s in Iran, which she endured, as she puts it; days when she was no longer celebrated and people would throw water in her face at the fruit stand; the distance between that celebration and this water in the face was only a few months.

But the departure of actors, especially female actors, from the country was not limited to the beginning of the revolution. From those years, and especially from the beginning of the 1970s until just a few years ago, there have been cases of actors leaving the country. Zahra Amir Ebrahimi, a young Iranian actress, is one of those who fell victim to our Iranian cultural curiosity and bad habits. A film of a private relationship, attributed to her, was released and this film caused so much trouble for her in the middle of the 1980s that she was forced to leave Iran and settle in France. Even outside the country, Amir Ebrahimi was still active. In the last days of March 2017, in various cities in Sweden, her latest film, “Dowry and Democracy,” was shown.

But it is not only social issues that have caused Iranian actors to leave and cannot be. Shabnam Tolouei is another Iranian actor who, due to her belief in the Baha’i faith, was forced to leave Iran and has been living in Paris since 2004.

Mina Lakani is also another Iranian actress. She, who lives in America, announced in October 2011, with her presence without hijab, on the program “Shabahang” of Voice of America, that she has left the country. She cited the reason for her departure as the oppressive working conditions and support for the protests after the 2009 election (or the Green Movement). Lakani is also active artistically outside of the country. The comedy show “Sharp Strip” which she co-starred in with Seyed Mohammad Hosseini was performed in 2013. Seyed Mohammad Hosseini, a well-known TV host and comedian, is also among the exiled.

Fakhri Khoroosh, a well-known actor of both past and present years, became a resident of America since 1388 and stayed there due to illness.

But perhaps one of the most successful Iranian actors to leave Iran can be found in an artistic family: Golshifteh Farahani. She is the daughter of prominent Iranian cinema and theater actor and screenwriter, Behzad Farahani. Golshifteh Farahani has played leading roles in many powerful and influential Iranian films. Memorable films such as “Santouri”, “About Elly”, and “M for Mother” were made with directors from various spectrums, from Mehrjui to Farhadi and Sadr-Ameli. However, her role in the film “The Lies of the Victors” alongside Hollywood superstar Leonardo DiCaprio was painful for Golshifteh. In this film, she tried to abide by all the limitations of the country’s cinema, including the issue of hijab, but could not bear it and in 2008, she faced trouble and was banned from leaving the country. Golshifteh

But in recent years, Iranian cinema has witnessed a new wave of actors leaving the country. This new wave has mostly considered Europe as its destination, rather than America; the departures are towards Turkey and Malaysia, and this time a network called “GEM” has been mentioned. As a result, from 1394 onwards, a very extensive wave of Iranian actors joined the GEM network and began making various Iranian films and series on this network.

In a quick glance, the names of actors who have left Iran and joined the Jam community can be mentioned as follows, according to various news sources:

“این عکس یک پاییز زیباست”

This picture is a beautiful autumn.
“Chakameh Chamaneh is a new generation of actors who have left Iran.”

The following individuals are members of the Chamaneh group: Mani Kasraeian, Rabieh Eskooyi, Benjamin Ahmadi, Ramzin Kabriti, Baharak Salehnia, Hormoz Seirti, Behnaz Solimani, Pardis Afkari, Sepideh Zakeri, Meysam Lahak, Pouria Irani, Sanaz Zarinmehr, Melissa Mehraban, Kasra Raoufi, Mohsen Shadibakhsh, Betsabe Kazemi, Bahman Mofid, Morteza Aghili, Sara Bahonar, Nader Kimaram, Zanyar Ghasemi, Majid Ahmadi, Mahsa Mojarrad, and Mehran Mouzani.

But joining the group is not limited to actors; among them are individuals such as Abolfazl Atar, Mehdi Mazloumi, Saeed Ebrahimi Far, Abbas Moradian, and Ahmad Gharshasbi, who are also among the filmmakers and directors who have joined the group.

The blacklist is a recent phenomenon and has only occurred in recent years. Actors who have joined the list are generally young. During this period of exclusion and activities, many statements have been made by film officials. Some actors who have not migrated have also addressed the mistakes of their former colleagues, while others have taken a sympathetic stance. One such sympathetic and respectful stance towards the esteemed Dariush can be mentioned in relation to Ramsin Kabriti; a position that was brought up in an interview with Parsineh after discussions about Mr. Kabriti’s financial situation in Iran.

In recent departures and floods, various reasons have been mentioned for actors and artists turning towards Jam TV network. From investigations and pressures on Iranian female actors to the inability to act in films and series due to the existence of acting bans in Iranian cinema and television. Some people play a large number of films and series in a year, while others who make a living from this path are unable to act. Perhaps we can consider Rabe’e Eskooyi as one of these individuals who has taken the path of Jam TV for this reason.

One of the most important limitations in Iran, especially for young actresses, is the issue of mandatory hijab for women. This also applies to the younger generation of Iranian actors, who are not like the previous generation. The problem is the mandatory hijab for women, which prevents physical contact between men and women and, as a result, the portrayal of dramatic scenes in films. Brothers and sisters, husbands and wives, lovers and beloveds who can only look at each other from a distance, must abide by religious distance in films. Despite all of this, they are still subject to censorship, confiscation, and countless other tragedies. In this field, there is also a strong tendency towards personal preferences. In the series “Yousef, the Messenger of God” directed by Farajollah Salahshour, the issue of women’s hijab was not ignored and did not lead to censorship or scrutiny. However, when it comes to the recent film “Kanapeh” by Kian

After about four decades since the February 1979 revolution, which was supposed to bring spring and freedom, forced emigrations and departures are still ongoing. When in December 2016, Morteza Mirbaqeri, the deputy of the national broadcasting company, announced the closure of the TV schedule until 2018 (meaning that everything has been planned in advance) and later reported the return of some of the exiled artists, without mentioning their names. When the government, instead of questioning itself about what it has done to cause these capital outflows, continues to use words like “deceived” and “seduced” to describe the actors who have left the country. When female actors who have traveled abroad are worried that because they have acted without hijab outside the country, they will be accused when they return to Iran. When male actors who have traveled abroad (like Hooman Seyyedi) must first go to the Revolutionary Court upon their return and explain themselves, and

“این عکس یک منظره زیبا از کوهستان است که در آن آسمان آبی و ابرهای سفید درخشان است.”

This photo is a beautiful landscape of mountains with a bright blue sky and shining white clouds.
Behrouz Vosoughi and Golshifteh Farahani in the private theater of dreams.

From the day of the revolution until today, the focus has been on interests – from government interests to religious interests and security interests – ruling over the culture and art of the country; but the prerequisite for creativity and birth in art is complete freedom. The wings of creativity and the activity of the artist are either bound or looking for a place to be liberated, or remain trapped in their entirety. From the day of the revolution, they bound the wings; some birds flew away and some remained and were filled with sorrow. I wish one day the chains will be removed from the hands and feet of Iranian artists; that day will be a good day indeed.

Slaughter Permit – A Poem by Bob Dylan

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Human thinks

As he rules on earth

He can do anything

And if something is not according to his will

He will change it

Oh human, he holds his destiny in his hands

And his first step was touching the moon

 

There is a woman in my neighborhood

Who sits there when the night gently spreads its skirt

And she says:

Who will give permission for the slaughter of humans?

Now they take the human and torture him

They wash his brain, for life

They put him on a path, towards sickness

Then they bury him with the stars

And they collide with his body like a disposable machine

 

There is a woman in my neighborhood

She sits there facing the hill

And she says:

Who will give permission for the slaughter of humans?

 

Now she is in the midst of destruction, scared and confused

And her brain, with great abilities, is lost

She only trusts her eyes

But her eyes also lie to her

Translation: Translation by: Elham Zolghadr

Several unreleased shots from the long scene fifty-seven – a poem by Farāmarz Sehdehī.

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In the month of Esfand, the blossoms of yellow apples and plums
The taverns of Farvardin, the gardens of Mansouriye
And every year that there was no locust
There was hunger
Thirst, another name for freedom
Justice
I was drunk, who would take you home
Uncle Abbas, sitting by the river
To my health
Thinking of the martyred fish of Sak Ash
On the twenty-fourth of Dey, one thousand three hundred and fifty-seven
I was crying
I would hit my sixteen-year-old cup against the martyr’s glass and your brokenness
Uncle Abbas said, we all become martyrs
Marxists are free to express their beliefs
If only you could see the remaining pomegranates, Mammad
Deer are shot before they reach the spring
The apples cry on our Haft Sin table this year
Tomorrow, it will be autumn again
They close the roads

In mourning of an execution/ Hossein Raeesi.

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This is a picture of a beautiful flower.
Hossein Raeisi

Questioning about the death penalty is one of the most important events that has been entering legal and even public discussions for years. One of the criteria for a civilized society is looking at this issue; the degree of distance from civilization is undoubtedly related to this issue.

With international pressures, efforts have been made to abolish this punishment for certain drug crimes and it has reached the Islamic Consultative Assembly. In this note, in order to facilitate the cessation of execution and the legal approval to prevent some executions, and to put those who beat the drums for the continuation of the punishment – including the people – in front of the corpse of one of the executed, efforts have been made to highlight the necessity of abolishing the death penalty for them.

When a lifeless body of a human is placed in front of you, this is where you can confront yourself with the test of human morality and ask yourself if this human – even if they have committed a crime deserving of punishment – deserves to die. Which infallible law is available to humanity today that can say without any religious, political, or traditional bias: “This person deserves to die”? As someone who has been defending individuals for over twenty years who have faced this punishment, or unfortunately have been executed, I present you with the reality of execution and urge you to delve deeper into this question and bring the most important question to light about its injustice – regardless of the degree of their guilt or crime, or even their innocence.

The prison veil was on her head and she had a restless and anxious expression; the scales of justice were repeated in a circular pattern on the veil. She was sitting next to two other women and two men, facing a large and imposing table in the first row of court seats. She has two teenage daughters who were waiting outside in the hallway and spoke to her briefly when she was being transferred to the court. The children’s faces did not have the same expression as their mother’s. The judge, who is also a clergyman, sat in the middle of the table with his secretary on his right. The Islamic Revolutionary Court was formed at the appointed time with the presence of the defendants and their lawyers. The secretary was writing and reading at the same time. Each of the defendants answered the questions. She said, “My husband is an addict and has abandoned me and my two daughters for years. I haven’t had an education and at the age of over 50, I can’t work

The judge, who did not seem to pay much attention to his defense, continued the session. My defense – which I had prepared beforehand – was allowed to be read; right there, I requested for his release, but the court, disregarding all defenses, asked the final question and two weeks later issued the death sentence. This sentence was confirmed and his request for clemency was also unsuccessful. I requested clemency three times, each time it was immediately rejected. I went to the Office of Women’s Affairs of the Judiciary, the Office of the Headquarters for Civil Rights, and also the Judiciary Commission of the Parliament; but there was no evidence of any correspondence between them and the Judiciary and no request for clemency in the case.

Finally, on one of the relatively cold autumn days when the leaves had reached their peak and the cold air was accompanied by wind, as the trees prepared for their winter sleep, in the early morning, Hojat al-Islam — personally appeared in prison and explained that the judiciary had allowed the execution of this order and had given a final verdict to the officers who were like machines ready to pull the rope of a human. They carried out their task without hesitation and in the blink of an eye, the whole world turned dark. The sun had not yet risen, and some of those present in the gathering went to pray the morning prayer and thank God that they were alive and not forced to transport or sell drugs.

That night, he had not slept and had prayed until morning. He was also grateful to God and a little hopeful that perhaps someone in charge would wake up during prayer and stop the execution. This hope turned into despair and his prayer ended before it was finished. Before the prayer was over, he was taken away.

He, like all the dead, was registered in the book of the dead and, like all of them, was buried in the cemetery with a simple grave. His involvement in drug crimes was cut short. However, the statistics of addicts or the number of those involved in these crimes were reduced, or rather, added to the statistics.

The funeral ceremony for him was held like all other deceased; I attended his ceremony in hopes of finding something. He was fortunate to have a grave and a memorial service held for him because he was executed. Reciters and Quran readers recited elegies and prayers for him, and the attendees, who were all people from his hometown, said “Amen” for him and repeated requests for forgiveness. After the Quran reciters and prayers, the clergyman also attended the gathering and spoke about death in front of the attendees, mentioning a compensation that one of the relatives had given. He asked God to forgive him for his mistakes and repeated prayers. The gathering ended and his family thanked the people dressed in black and took their grief back home, to live alone with it.

This ceremony is sometimes held in most cities. At his funeral, no one could ask if he could have been alive if he had not been sentenced to death.

The fundamental question is that even in crimes that individuals may commit, the society’s share in the crime of citizens is not calculated and no one is punished or will be punished for this share. Therefore, the society mourns itself until it demands the death penalty.

Bloody Ring: The Mafia’s Killing Ground in Rajai Shahr Prison, Karaj / Mostafa Rahmani

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This is a caption.
Mustafa Rahmani

“Ring-e Khonin” is the nickname of a hall in Rajai Shahr prison in Karaj, where opposition prisoners and those outside the circle of “Mohammad Mardani”, the head of the prison, are exiled to. In this hall, after bloody conflicts, prisoners are only transferred to the morgue and infirmary in case of murder or injury.

“Salon 9 in Andarzgah 3 of Rajai Shahr Prison in Karaj has gained notoriety as the “Bloody Ring” since Mohammad Mardani took over as its head five years ago.”

Ordinary prisoners in Rajai Shahr prison, with an emphasis on “shedding their blood” by the prison warden, describe this issue as a peace violation. “Ward 9 in Cellblock 3 was specifically ordered by Mr. Mardani to be like this. According to Mr. Ahmadi, the warden of this cellblock, prisoners are not transferred to the infirmary unless they are killed or suffer a physical disability. The only thing that happens in this cellblock is murder. The prison warden sends any prisoner he doesn’t like or who opposes him and is outside his mafia gang to this cellblock. His goal is also clear; to sharpen his claws.”

Based on field research, in the past five years, in the bloody conflicts of this prison, several prisoners have been killed on different dates. “Behnam Abbasi” and “Abolfazl Agha Mohammadpour” are the identities of two of these prisoners who have been killed.

No text provided.
Mojtaba Asaishi, who had fallen asleep in the Odorozu (a type of traditional Iranian bed).

It should be noted that the killing of prisoners in Rajai Shahr prison has a history. One of the regular prisoners imprisoned in Rajai Shahr prison in Karaj speaks about it: “There are many names and many have been killed in these years, but I remember two cases well. The Benhelo brothers, Siamek, Siavash, and Hadi. It was in 83 or 84 when Siamek got a small infection and even though he said he didn’t need any medicine or treatment, they forcefully took him to the infirmary and then brought news of his death. We couldn’t believe it. Another one was about a year or two later when we were in Ward 5 of Andarzgah 2. Mojtaba Asayeshi was a big, strong man from Khorramabad. He was known as Mojtaba, the lion of the Middle East, and was very famous. He had a big build

In 2014, Harana also reported the discovery of the body of “Behram Tasviri Khiabani”, a death row prisoner, in solitary confinement in Ward 5 of Rajai Shahr prison in Karaj. Behram Tasviri had been among the prisoners since 2009, who had constantly faced tension and clashes with prison guards in Rajai Shahr prison due to his protests and complaints against the prison staff – especially regarding sexual assault and torture. He had spent a significant amount of his time in prison in solitary confinement due to the arbitrary actions of the prison guards, who forced him into solitary confinement cells.

This is not a complete sentence, so it cannot be translated accurately. It appears to be a caption for an image.
Bahram Tasviri was a street vendor whose body was found in individual cells in Ward 5 of Rajai Shahr prison in Karaj.

The members of the organization had testified that Mr. Tasviri, who had been sentenced to death on charges of murder, had given his consent to his accuser, but the prison officials fabricated a fight that led to the murder of another person by this prisoner in order to open a new case against him.

Behnam Ebrahimzadeh, an active labor activist in Rajai Shahr prison in Karaj, in the month of Aban, in a letter to Ms. Asma Jahangir, the UN Special Rapporteur on Human Rights, Mr. Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein, the High Commissioner for Human Rights, and Ms. Mogherini, the Head of the European Union’s Foreign Policy Council, has listed the names of prisoners who have been killed in the bloody clashes in Rajai Shahr prison and those who have been injured as follows:

List of names of some prisoners who have been killed in internal prison conflicts:

Babak Ghaithi, killed in the Band 3 conflict.

2- The owner of the property (known as Haji Malik) was killed in a conflict.

3- Saber Sharbati, was killed in a clash while in custody.

4- Vahid Gholami, in cell 3 of hall 7, was killed in a conflict.

5- Mehdi Azimi was killed in Band 5 in the past.

Mojtaba Asayeshi has been transferred to Cell 2 of Ward 5.

7- Asghar Karami was killed in Band 1.

8- Mansour Pourvilder, Band 2 has been killed.

9- Naser Banapour, was killed in a clash in Band 6 of Salon Sixteen.

10- Haj Naib, in a clash in Band 6 of Hall 18, was killed.

11- Hossein Anjani, was killed in the conflict of Band 6 of Salon 16 in 1991.

List of prisoners who have violated membership in prison:

Javad Zare, blindfolded eye sight in Hall 7 for 3 years.

2- Vahid Abbaspour, blind.

3- Mehdi Manafi, cut off both hands.

4- Raza Jalal, cut off both hands.

We went to two former prisoners in this prison to discuss more details about the events.

Gholamreza Gholamhosseini, an active laborer and former prisoner in this prison, describes the prison mafia gang as follows: “I was in two wards in this prison, Ward 2 and Ward 4. In each ward, there were certain individuals who were known as bullies and were definitely in coordination with the prison officials. They were used to intimidate the prisoners… Let me share some memories with you: In 2008, when I was in solitary confinement in Ward 240 of Evin Prison, one of the prison guards, who seemed like a good person, told me that all the prison officials have relationships with the prisoners. This person said that once he delivered a message to a prisoner’s family and they wanted to pay me money. I told them I brought this message out of humanity, not for money, but his family insisted on giving me a sum of money because every time the prison staff delivered a message for them, there was a predetermined

This is a caption.
Gholamreza Gholamhosseini

He increases about bloody conflicts: “In regards to bloody conflicts, weaker individuals are usually the victims. These conflicts mostly occur between prison guards and violent prisoners, which is also a result of the corruption and policies of the government, who purposely create such issues to pit people against each other. The mafia exists in every country in its own unique form, and it also exists in our country. For example, they are forced to cooperate out of fear of physical abuse, or in another aspect, officials may keep these prisoners under their control in order to fulfill their own desires. These officials are actually a part of the higher authorities in the country who have always achieved their goals through the use of thugs and criminals. As we have seen, the Revolutionary Guards use lawless individuals from neighborhoods for street suppression; this was also mentioned by Commander Qasemi in his talks. This issue is a complex and widespread problem that also occurs in prisons and must be addressed by addressing all aspects of it.”

Mr. Gholamhosseini continues, “Of course, regular prisoners, no matter how unjust their relationships were with each other, had respect for political prisoners. If there were any instances where these prisoners were attacked by political prisoners, it was under the orders of prison authorities. But if I were to give an example among regular prisoners, in the juvenile ward, 90 prisoners had assaulted one prisoner. In my opinion, this assault was a more heinous crime than murder. Such crimes cannot happen without the approval of the prison guards. When they threatened me during interrogation that they would bring my juvenile son to the juvenile ward to be assaulted, it was clear that the government system was aware of these actions.”

Behrouz Javid Tehrani, a human rights activist and former prisoner of Rajaei Shahr prison in Karaj, also says: “Rajaei Shahr prison, due to its exiled prisoners and heavy sentences, has very strong mafia gangs. There are three well-known gangs named “Tehran Boys”, “Karaj Boys” and “Kurd-Lor Band” which are known by these names, not necessarily belonging to a specific ethnicity. In fact, these are just titles for the team they form and for example, in the Tehran Boys gang, not everyone has to be from Tehran.”

“این عکس یک پاییز زیبا در کوهستان است”

This photo is a beautiful autumn in the mountains.
Behrouz Javid Tehrani

He speaks about his observations of peace: “I witnessed two incidents that required investigation but were never addressed. One involved a prisoner named “Bandali” and the other involved a prisoner named “Abbas”. These two prisoners were on a path of disrupting the order of the guards and were not obedient to the prison administration. They would stand up to the guards and resist, although they were both bullies. I remember Bandali getting stabbed in a fight and needing stitches. After he was taken to the infirmary for treatment, we were informed that he had passed away. The next incident involved Abbas, who was sent to the solitary confinement and was killed there.”

Mr. Javid Tehrani adds: “When I was in Rajai Shahr prison, there was a person named “Khadem” who was initially responsible for prison security. This person was dismissed due to his relationship with one of the female prison guards, but he returned and was appointed as the executive manager. He was very active in supporting mafia gangs and systematically used this process. Khadem was a flatterer, had a bodybuilding club, and as they say, he was one of those big, muscular guys.”

He continues: “I cannot say with certainty that officials are involved in drug trafficking inside prisons, but it is clear who has the power; for example, moving mafia prisoners around to disrupt this structure was not a problem for them, but they did not do it. In fact, if they were also transferring prisoners within the system, it was for the purpose of balance, not disrupting that structure.”

The goals of these gangs are also clear. These gangs are money-making factories. For example, a mobile phone that costs 10 million tomans is bought and sold, or a gram of drugs, which is worth 10,000 tomans outside of prison, is bought and sold for 1 million tomans inside. A strange added value is placed on goods, which, as officials say, also bring in huge profits for them.

***

It should be mentioned that, according to documents published by the Hrana news agency, Mohammad Mardani, the head of this prison, had requested expedited execution for one of the prisoners sentenced to death under the title of “hooligans” in administrative correspondence related to the status of their case.

A while ago, in the report “Mafia rule in Rajai Shahr prison and the increased difficulties for prisoners”, various restrictions on purchasing food and amenities were announced in the notorious Rajai Shahr prison, while all kinds of drugs and even cold weapons are easily bought and sold in the prison. Many observers believe that these restrictions only lead to the creation of a black market and the development of mafia gangs within the prison.

I’m sorry, there is no Farsi text provided. Please provide the text for translation. Thank you.

Traveler – A poem by Reza Ekvanian

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