Like a newborn in a cradle – a poem by Sabir Haka

Posted on December 27, 2016July 10, 2024 by admin

آرامش برسند

The earth rotates to digest its dead and for graves to reach peace.

They are pulling our reins, my fear is something beyond death.

This means “The soil encompasses everyone in the same way.”

And impurity does not contaminate any human being’s soil.

My feet open the mouth of the earth, underneath my feet is a cemetery of bones. یکدیگر را دوست داشتند

Bones that once loved each other.

They rose to kill each other and brought about the weariness of life. معنی

Bones that still hold the scent of desire, desire means…

“Conquering and possessing a lump in every man’s throat”

It remains from the suffering that everything has passed through.

It must be a reflection of your own truth, so how is it? گونه احساس

A soulless person is so calm and their face is devoid of any emotion.

What kind of sin has been able to make you so lonely? ی

With an eternal smile on his face, perhaps not because of anything but the bond of love. ما

There are two bones, not one, this is not our truth, death is our face.

Look at my face, it shows everything more beautifully. را نمی‌شناسد

“See the God you seek, the human who does not know themselves.”

You have witnessed everything we have gone through, and remember the dead. نیست

“Why is it that no human body is more noble than its soul?” آرام کرد

One should not stand face to face with death, one should calm the body.

One must be dragged by the chain, must be pulled to the feet of their oppressor. بگذرد

He rose calmly to his destruction before passing away.

Let’s ask “Why did I become human?” Everything happened at an unbelievable speed. می‌چرخد

The earth is spinning towards destruction, the earth continues to spin, the earth continues to spin. در زمین می‌افتد

It will continue to spin and humans are like a seed that falls to the ground.

It breaks the skin in the heart of the soil to sprout.

In the pursuit of living, in the pursuit of staying alive.

Born in the minds of others, striving to die.

And death is simply the habit of taking a breath ▀ Courage in death بفهمد

It gives it to the person to understand everything easily. است که در زندگیمان به دست آورده‌ایم

Forgetting is not important, what is important is the things we have achieved in our lives.

“They die with us.”

Sixteen years later – a poem by Reza Ekvanian

Posted on November 26, 2016July 10, 2024 by admin

Autumn.

Yellow jacket hunter.

In the presence of women, my land flourishes.

The most sorrowful yellow is the color of autumn.

Nasrin says:

If still, the trees in the neighbor’s yard were green.

These days were becoming forty years old.

Waiting for spring.

They were giving their body to the water.

They were sitting in the water…

Narges.

He catches sight of his children and asks:

How old are my children?

He/she cannot smile and asks with a smile:

What year is it sixteen years from now?

I say imagine.

In a short moment of breathing,

Imagine happiness…

Hold your children in your dreams..

No one can.

Take the imagination from you.

And you.

When you don’t like it,

Return to a life in captivity.

Imagine.

Imagine the old four-legged ones.

How they slip under the feet of death.

And nobody knows.

How many years is this year’s autumn?

And the following year’s autumn.

Which one is it and which one is not!

Think.

To those who have been busy withering away for years like Mary.

And today, Naserineh is busy picking flowers, imagine…

Today.

The sound of a nightingale.

The scent of women is my homeland.

The cry of youth is Fatemeh.

“That grows old in captivity.”

It is spread in her heart…

We.

With pictures of beautiful flowers in our gardens.

We will go to the street.

And autumn,

This woman is wearing yellow.

Happiness.

Opposite of always.

It will take us to our homes.

Teaching Mother Tongue to Ethnic Groups in Universities and the Beginning of Multilingualism Era in Iran / Mehdi Hamidi Shafiq

Posted on November 26, 2016July 10, 2024 by admin

“منظور از زندگی، آن است که آن را بهترین شکل ممکن بسازیم.”

“The purpose of life is to make it the best it can be.”
Mehdi Hamidi Shafiq

In 2015, the Kurdish language and literature major was added to the list of options for the national university entrance exam, and in the same year, the University of Sanandaj was able to attract 40 students for this major. One year later, in 2016, the Azerbaijani Turkish language and literature major was also added to the list of options for the national university entrance exam. According to Ahmad Farshbafian, the head of this major at the University of Tabriz, 30 students were accepted for the first year after 80 students chose this major. Ebrahim Khodayi, the head of the National Assessment Organization, announced that the establishment of these two university majors was done through legal procedures and with the permission of the Ministry of Science. Mir-Hamayat Mirzadeh, the spokesperson for the Education and Research Commission of the Parliament, while appreciating the Ministry of Science for this action, called it a step towards the implementation of Article

Mother tongue at university

The start of the academic year 94 and the official education of Kurdish language and literature at the University of Sanandaj should be considered as a new chapter in the discussion of the rights of ethnic groups in Iran, particularly their cultural and linguistic demands. Prior to this, with the approval of the Supreme Council of the Cultural Revolution and the confirmation of the Academy of Persian Language and Literature, a two-unit course on Turkish and Kurdish language and literature was offered as an elective at the universities of Tabriz, Sanandaj, and Urmia. According to Mohammad Reza Mokhber Dezfuli, spokesperson of the Council, this decision was made in 2009 in line with the implementation of Article 15 of the Iranian Constitution and in order to protect the valuable elements of Iranian Islamic culture and strengthen the foundations of this culture.

Among these, the “right to education in the mother tongue” which is interpreted by the majority of policy makers and statesmen in Iran as Article 15 of the Iranian Constitution, has always been raised by identity activists as a legitimate and lawful demand, especially at the beginning of each new academic year, and has sparked numerous debates. In fact, Article 15 of the Iranian Constitution is one of the forgotten and neglected principles that has not been seriously considered by statesmen until the launch of Kurdish and Azerbaijani language and literature programs in 2015 and 2016. Although this move was generally met with positive reactions from identity activists, they consider it insufficient and ambiguous in terms of the “right to education in the mother tongue”. The majority of these activists, as well as some Iranian democracy activists, believe that according to human rights and language and cultural rights conventions, the education of linguistic minorities in Iran should start from the primary level in their mother tongue; something that Article 15 of the

In fact, another challenge ahead for bilingual education in Iran – which is emphasized by most identity activists – is legal ambiguity or lack of implementing laws in the field of bilingual education. The only existing law in the field of bilingual education is Article 15 of the Constitution, which states: “…the use of local and ethnic languages in the media and group media and the teaching of their literature in schools, alongside the Persian language, is free.” Although this constitutional article has not yet been implemented due to some political and cultural considerations, it should be noted that its implementation cannot guarantee “education in the mother tongue”, but rather it is more about “education in the mother tongue”. Here, we must pay attention to an important and delicate point that has become a serious and widespread debate among opponents and proponents in recent years; that is the difference between “education in the mother tongue” and “education of the mother tongue”. “Education of the mother tongue” means that the mother tongue is taught as a subject alongside

The rights of nations, the eleventh government, and the mother tongue.

Hassan Rouhani, during the days before the 92 presidential election, in his campaign speeches in Kurdistan and Azerbaijan, revealed his serious intention to achieve the rights of minorities in Iran. He stated that in his view, Articles 15, 19, 12, and 3 of the Constitution are in line with the first and last principles, and all Iranian citizens should feel that they will have equal citizenship rights. He promised that Iranian citizens, regardless of their language or ethnicity, will be able to continue their education in their mother tongue at universities based on the principles of the Constitution. After that, when Rouhani’s third election statement titled “Rights of Minorities, Religions, and Denominations” was published in 10 parts, which was almost a comprehensive and complete statement on the rights of minorities and religions within the existing legal framework, there was great hope for the realization of these demands. After being elected as President, Rouhani appointed Ali Younesi as his

Among these discussions, the issue of mother tongue education was at the forefront of the 11th government’s plans for implementation, considering the existing legal frameworks and public demand. In multiple interviews, Ali Younesi spoke of the government’s serious intention to implement Article 15 of the Constitution and mother tongue education in Iran. The latest statement was in Khordad of this year, when he said, “The government has ordered the teaching of Kurdish and Turkish languages in schools, and this plan has been implemented in Kurdistan province and will be implemented in other parts of the country if the necessary infrastructure is provided. The establishment of Kurdish language and literature programs in higher education centers has been one of the demands of the people of this province for years, which has become a reality in the government of Prudence and Hope.” On October 3, 2013, Ali Asghar Fani, the Minister of Education, announced that “teaching the languages of ethnic groups in schools is a priority”

In his last provincial trips to East and West Azerbaijan, Rouhani faced protests about the right to education in mother tongue. During his trip to Tabriz in April 2015, he also inaugurated the “Foundation for Culture, Art and Literature of Azerbaijan” and stated that with the opening of this foundation, the promise of establishing a language and literature academy for the people of Azerbaijan will be fulfilled. However, civil activists and some local media outlets believe that the opening of this foundation is not related to Rouhani’s promise to establish a Turkish language and literature academy, which he made during his election campaign. They believe that the structure and bylaws of this foundation contradict what Rouhani had promised during his campaign. In fact, this foundation is a distorted and manipulated version of the Turkish language academy and Rouhani has broken his promise in this regard.

In 2015, during his provincial trip to Kurdistan, Rouhani was faced with slogans regarding mother tongue education. During this trip, he promised that teaching Kurdish language and literature would soon begin at the University of Sanandaj, which was unlike his previous promises in the field of ethnic groups. With the start of the new academic year, the major of Kurdish language and literature was introduced at the university, and one year later, the major of Turkish language and literature was also added, making it the first time in the history of higher education in Iran that these two majors were offered at a university. This move, during the final year of Rouhani’s presidency, somewhat satisfied the activists of ethnic identity. However, most of these activists believe that even one of the 10 articles of the Declaration of the Rights of Ethnic Groups, Religions, and Sects has not been fully realized, and therefore consider Rouhani’s performance in the field of ethnic rights as unsuccessful. Since one of the

Opponents of teaching mother tongue

Whenever the discussion of ethnic rights in Iran and the issue of education in mother tongue is brought up, a wide range of opponents can be found. Those who consider any action towards mother tongue education in Iran as a violation of national security and territorial integrity, and see it as a threat rather than an opportunity. Among them, most members of the Academy of Persian Language and Literature, one of the main decision-making bodies regarding mother tongue education, do not have a serious inclination towards mother tongue education and even the implementation of Article 15 of the Constitution. They are among the most serious opponents of mother tongue education, using strange and baseless arguments about the threat of local languages to the Persian language and the national unity. However, with the increasing dissatisfaction of ethnic groups in Iran about existing discrimination and the fact that cultural and linguistic demands have become a public demand, government officials have been forced to take some actions, although incomplete and limited, in the implementation of mother tongue education. These actions, although met with

Given the distance and deep gap between the demands of Iranian ethnic groups and the legal actions taken, and the overall atmosphere regarding national issues in Iran, both among politicians and policymakers and among intellectuals and various political activists who have a serious resistance against the national issue, it must be said that there is still a long way to go for the full realization of the rights of ethnic groups in Iran. Any discussion about the rights of ethnic groups is still hindered by national security concerns, and most politicians and policymakers, and even political activists from different political spectrums, see this issue as a threat. The issue of mother tongue education in Iran is a completely political issue, and the legal dimensions of this issue have been overshadowed by its complex political dimensions, and for this reason, decision-making institutions in this regard always prioritize security considerations. However, it must be acknowledged that in recent years, some initial but positive steps have been taken by the government towards realizing the rights of ethnic groups, and we should not

Regarding the recent news of teaching the Azerbaijani language and literature at universities, we immediately witnessed a series of attacks by nationalist ancientists through national newspapers, particularly in the East and some reputable news agencies. They questioned the government’s motives in the form of biased articles. This movement of integrity, which freely spreads ethnic hatred, claims to be against separatism, but in reality, through its literature and behavior, is one of the main factors of separatism in Iran. It uses fear-mongering as a tool to create fear and suspicion among its audience, although it does not lead anywhere. However, it must be said that it is one of the main obstacles to the realization of ethnic rights in Iran. In this regard, we must hope for more cooperation and understanding among pro-democracy activists, civil society activists, identity seekers, and the elimination of the issue of education in the mother tongue and the legal approach to the issue of ethnic groups based on the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and reputable

The benefit of speech.

Although there are still many ambiguities regarding the teaching of Turkish and Kurdish language and literature, as well as mother tongue education in Iran, including the resources used in universities, the professors used in universities, the standard language and alphabet used, and the future employment of graduates in these fields, overall, the eleventh government can be considered a positive and valuable step. It is hoped that this decision will also include the Balochi and Turkmen languages and that these two languages will soon be introduced into universities. The issue is that, given the growth and spread of national awareness and existing discrimination that has led to the dissatisfaction of ethnic groups, it is not possible to hide and deny the issue of the rights of ethnic groups in Iran. For several years now, national and regional demands, especially cultural and linguistic demands, have become a tool for voting in elections, and currently, most representatives of ethnic regions are clearly calling for the elimination of possible discrimination in this area and the establishment of justice and equality among

The reality is that identity activists have taken many steps to prevent assimilation and linguistic and cultural homogenization in Iran, and have never waited for official and legal actions from the Iranian government. Teaching Turkish or Kurdish and other native languages has been done unofficially for several decades since the officialization of Persian language, and the literature and language of Iranian ethnic groups have continued to grow and thrive under the determination and perseverance of these writers, poets, intellectuals, and linguists. Now, there is a relatively rich and reliable foundation for teaching native languages in Iran, which would have been even richer if this opportunity had been provided equally and fairly with Persian language. Iran is a country with a unique diversity of ethnicity, religion, language, and culture – according to statistics, half of Iran’s population consists of non-Persian speakers – and it is better to see this diversity as an opportunity rather than a threat, and to use it to strengthen national unity and even cultural diplomacy. With this in mind,

An analysis of the virtual space of the country and the future outlook / Samuel Bakhtiyari

Posted on November 26, 2016July 10, 2024 by admin

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Samuel Bakhtiari

The “Small Media” Institute, at the beginning of the year 2015 AD, published a report on the performance of government institutions involved in the subject of the internet in Mr. Rouhani’s government. This research focuses on the increase of budget in various sectors, the method of budget spending, and the outlook of the virtual space in Iran. The following writing is a brief translation of this report.

The great victory of Hassan Rouhani in the 2015 presidential election in Iran and the end of 8 years of presidency of Mr. Ahmadinejad, a close ally of the conservative faction, once again brought the reformists closer to the power pyramid of the Islamic Republic system. According to many political and social experts, the reformist faction of the Islamic Republic system is more open-minded towards current issues and has a more liberal approach. After the victory of Mr. Hassan Rouhani, many media outlets such as BBC, Telegraph, Guardian, and Al Jazeera America spoke more freely from the perspective of Rouhani’s election team.

One of the everyday topics for people in Iran and other countries around the world is the concept of using the internet. Based on statistical estimates, more than 40% of people in Iran have access to the internet; however, many believe that the quality of the available internet is not satisfactory for customers. Despite the poor quality, Iranian customers still pay a high price for this virtual commodity. And of course, there is censorship!

In his first television interview before the elections, Mr. Rouhani accused the state-run broadcasting organization of censorship and lying. He criticized the widespread internet filtering, stating that it has not reduced access for people and youth to immoral websites. According to Rouhani, censorship has only created a gap between the people and the system.

But 18 months after Mr. Rouhani’s victory and his dissatisfaction with the state of the domestic internet, no significant change can be seen in the virtual space.

In January 2012, complex laws were enacted by the Iranian legislators to further control internet activities. In March of the same year, the leader of the Islamic Republic issued a decree to establish the Supreme Council of Cyberspace. This council is a powerful institution with the ability to regulate any opinions on the internet. The National Information Network (SHOMA) or the National Internet was also launched in the same year, causing concern among internet activists. They were worried about potential disruptions or increased control over connections to the global internet network.

In the early months of 2013 until the presidential election, the slow internet speed had made many Iranian users angry. Of course, the slow internet speed and its connection to the presidential election was not a foreign phenomenon for Iranian users. After Mr. Rouhani’s victory, the President himself and other members of the cabinet were very active on social networks. Despite the ban in Iran by the President and his Foreign Minister, Twitter and Facebook have been used multiple times. President Rouhani’s Twitter account has attracted more than 300,000 users. However, in order to avoid his rivals and their criticisms, Mr. Rouhani has entrusted the management of his Twitter account to his supporters and has somewhat distanced himself from being present on this social network. But Mohammad Javad Zarif, with his verified Twitter account, confirms his posts officially.

The use of Western social networks by the officials of the Rouhani government is taking place while the previous government openly supported filtering these networks. Reza Taghipour, the former Minister of Technology and Communications, in an interview with the newspaper “Tajarat Farda”, supported the filtering of Viber and WhatsApp and claimed that the information of Iranian users is being handed over to the Zionist regime (the description used by the officials of the Islamic Republic for Israel) by these Western social networks. Meanwhile, Mr. Vaezi, the Minister of Communications and Technology of the Rouhani government, had a different opinion.

Smal Media Institute, by examining the budget of the Ministry of Communications, has achieved interesting results. In fact, despite the government’s efforts to spend the ministry’s budget on transparent and routine expenses, a significant portion of the budget has been allocated to other matters.

According to Small Media, the Unconventional Budgets (PMB) have seen a several-fold increase, while the regular budget (PEN) of the Ministry of Communications and Technology has faced a 22% decrease. The President and the Minister have repeatedly emphasized the transparency of the spending process, but it is clear that the widespread increase in the PMB is a sign of the budget approvers’ interest in spending in the shadows. A large portion of the PMB is allocated to matters such as cyber security and the expansion of the National Information Network (SHOMA).

Cybersecurity is considered one of the concerns of the Iranian government. High-ranking officials of the government have repeatedly warned about cyber attacks targeting Iran’s nuclear and industrial facilities. Officials are worried and pessimistic, especially towards Western countries. According to some government officials, Western countries, particularly the United States and Israel, are always seeking to harm the interests and capabilities of the Islamic Republic. Some cyber attacks, such as Stuxnet and Flame, have reinforced this belief among top government officials. Iran’s nuclear and industrial infrastructure has been the target of cyber attacks in recent years. The origin of these attacks has never been officially revealed, but the blame has been pointed towards the West.

Despite Mr. Rouhani’s promises and his team’s interest in greater freedom in the virtual space, it seems that stronger forces are ruling over Iran’s virtual space and it is uncertain what the different views of the officials of the Islamic Republic about the internet and virtual space will mean for the fate of the internet, virtual space, and social networks. However, without a doubt, in the coming years, there will be more opposition to filtering social networks. According to Ali Jannati, the Minister of Culture and Islamic Guidance, there are currently more than 9.5 million users of the Viber network in the country. Despite the firmness of some leaders of the judicial system and the Supreme Council for Monitoring Virtual Space in blocking access to popular applications like Viber, it seems that any effort to intensify the blocking will be a major blow to the future election plans of Mr. Rouhani’s team. Politically, Rouhani does not see blocking these applications as beneficial. Considering his previous

The efforts of conservatives to gain more control over the internet should not be ignored. The launch of the “Yooz” search engine as the final phase of the “Shoma” project has raised concerns among Iranian users that their access to the global internet will be blocked. These concerns are not unfounded, but it should be noted that Iran’s technical capabilities do not currently allow for such actions. Promises of financial support for domestic tech companies have also not been very effective. Despite the growth of domestic companies in the virtual space, many still use servers outside the country, such as “Blogfa,” a popular blogging service for Iranians. Blogfa currently uses Canadian servers to provide services to its customers.

In the coming years, undoubtedly Iranian users will use VPN more widely. However, the security of VPNs offered in the Iranian market is highly questionable. The widespread use of VPNs among Iranians is a testament to their greater concern for accessing the internet rather than online security. Nareeman Ghareeb, an expert in the online space, has concluded that most users prefer VPNs that are easy to use. According to Ghareeb, the lack of internet knowledge among Iranian users deprives them of the chance to use secure VPNs.

But these predictions should be postponed until the full launch of the national information network (you). After the full launch of this project, the status of the virtual space in Iran can be analyzed with certainty.

The Gorgan Gulf crisis is not less than that of Lake Urmia / Daniel Babayani.

Posted on November 26, 2016July 10, 2024 by admin

This is a caption.
Daniel Babayani

Gorgan Gulf, as the largest gulf in the Caspian Sea, is strategically located on political borders and this has led to a special interest and inclination towards it by the Russians, especially during the Qajar era.

The great depth of water and the docking of commercial and passenger ships in it, both geographically and environmentally, have created a special position for this Gulf. In 1975, the Gorgan Gulf and its surrounding wetlands were registered as the first international wetland complex in the Ramsar Convention list, and since then, not only the Gulf itself, but also the surrounding areas including Ashuradeh Island (wildlife refuge) and the Gomishan International Wetland have been transformed into a valuable environmental complex.

The Gorgan Gulf, not only from an economic, commercial, and environmental perspective, but also due to its calmness on the shores of Golestan, has been the most suitable marine recreational area. The Miankaleh wetland, located in the Gorgan Gulf, is also one of the largest freshwater reserves connected to the Caspian Sea and, due to its unique geographical shape and ecosystem, is the birthplace of many species of bony and cartilaginous fish in the Caspian Sea. The disconnection of the Gorgan Gulf from the Caspian Sea, the serious reduction of water inflow from all rivers leading to the wetland, the increasing development of rice paddies in the Turkmen Sahra region, the increase in the use of pesticides and chemical fertilizers containing heavy metals, and the influx of various untreated sewage into the Gorgan Gulf have threatened the Miankaleh wetland; to the extent that environmental activists say one-f

Masoud Bagherzadeh Karimi, the deputy of wetland affairs at the Environmental Organization, in an interview with Mehr News Agency about the Gorgan Gulf says: “We have conducted depth surveys in this area. The bottom of the wetland is higher than the sea level, so when the sea level drops, naturally less water flows into the wetland. The hills in the mouth of the gulf act as natural barriers between the wetland and the sea. If we use the excuse of wanting to bring sea water into the wetland and dredge the mouth of the gulf and remove those hills, the opposite will happen and the water will flow from the wetland towards the sea, completely drying up the gulf.”

He emphasizes: “These hills have always existed naturally, but the water level was higher and we couldn’t see them underwater. The sudden increase in sedimentation rate has created these hills and closed the mouth, and this sedimentation has been taking place over hundreds of thousands of years, which has led to the current composition of the wetland water.”

The Deputy of the Department of Environmental Lakes of the Environmental Organization states: “Even in an optimistic scenario and assuming that the sea water also comes to the Gulf by removing the hills, we are not seeking this, because the water composition there should be two-thirds salty sea water and one-third fresh river water. It is only with this combination that it can sustain its own biological functions. Therefore, our main problem is not from the sea, but from upstream where obstacles have been created in all rivers, diverting the water and not allowing it to reach the wetlands. Development of agriculture and other uses have practically taken away the share of the wetlands.”

The topic of the Gorgan Gulf crisis has been one of the main concerns of environmental activists and social activists in Golestan province. These activities led to last year’s Ayatollah Noormofidi, the representative of the Supreme Leader in Golestan province and the Friday prayer leader of Gorgan, openly warning national and provincial officials about their neglect of the national and regional consequences of the crisis during the Friday prayer.

According to this issue, during Mr. Nobakht’s trip, the Deputy President also considered the need to investigate the allocation of credit channels in the Gulf, which we are unaware of due to lack of proper communication from the Governorate of Golestan or other follow-ups.

Unfortunately, the officials of Mazandaran province, who are mostly from the eastern part of the province, have been in competition with Bandar Turkmen, which was built a hundred years ago with the expertise of the Dutch on the deepest coast of the Caspian Sea. In the past 10 years, they have established Bandar Amirebad on the shallow western coast of the Gorgan Gulf, next to Ashuradeh and the Miankaleh wetland. The flow of the Caspian Sea starts from the west and ends in the east, and at the end of the flow, all the sedimentation of the Caspian Sea is in the eastern part of the Caspian Sea.

To maintain the depth of Amirabad port, ships dredge the port’s seabed and the accumulated sediments are carried away by the current the next day. The dredged sediments from Amirabad are discharged in front of Gorgan Bay and the sediments enter the bay daily and settle at the bottom.

Aras Darde Chogan, one of the old Turkmen fishermen and sailors, also mentions memories from the time of the abundant waters of the Gorgan Gulf and its significant role in improving the economy of the Turkmen desert in an interview with IRNA. He says: “In the mid-1960s, the water level of the Gorgan Gulf had risen so high that it made fishing and expanding the tour difficult, and at that time, elephant fish were caught from the Gulf and other fish were caught outside, but with the decrease in water level in recent years, catching carp and mullet has become more difficult.”

The old fisherman of Gorgan Gulf continued, “Now if we enter the Gulf of Gorgan without dredging the manual channels, the propellers of motor boats will get stuck in the mud and sediment along the coast, causing serious damage to these vessels. Due to the decrease in the water level of the Caspian Sea, the connection between this gulf and the main body of the sea has been cut off, which is concerning for the survival of Gorgan Gulf.”

On the other side, the son of the sea in Golestan province, which is the least sloping coast of the Caspian Sea, has advanced to the point where hundreds of hectares of sea surface have dried up and have been replaced by a desert of thistles.

Unfortunately, both provincial and national authorities have remained silent about the Gulf of Gorgan. The destruction of the Gulf of Gorgan, Ashuradeh Island, and Miankaleh Wetland is an environmental disaster that could have been prevented before it reached complete drought. Due to the salty and infertile lands surrounding the sea, the main occupation of the indigenous Turkmen villagers is fishing. Before a disaster like Lake Urmia is repeated, measures must be taken to prevent the drying up of this gulf, so that at least the economy of the indigenous Turkmen residents of the Gulf of Gorgan is not harmed and domestic and foreign tourists are not deprived of visiting unique areas such as the Gulf of Gorgan and Ashuradeh Island.

Explanation:

The Mehr and IRNA news agencies are the sources of this article.

Why do they give heavy sentences to some prisoners? / Reza Alijani

Posted on November 26, 2016July 10, 2024 by admin

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“This is a caption”
Reza Alijani

1- During the Green Movement, statements from a commander of the Revolutionary Guards were published, stating that one of his comrades had seen a fellow soldier among the protesters (Green Movement) on the front lines. He was deeply upset and concerned about this, but had said that the group of protesters that he saw his friend among were moving towards Valiasr Street (in Tehran). He added that if the youth in the lower parts of the city and Khurasan Square engage in these types of demonstrations, they should feel a sense of danger.

The difference between “concern” and “danger” in the words of this commander is very important and strategically significant. The difference between the movement of the middle class and the movement of the lower income classes in society. A movement with primarily political and cultural demands versus a movement with primarily economic demands.

2- Political protest statements are usually published with the signature of a few hundred people and at most, for example, a thousand people. But in February 2014, a petition signed by “forty thousand” workers was published, demanding an increase in the minimum wage for workers for the year 2014. The “coordinators” of this petition were six people who were corresponding with the Ministry of Labor under their names and titles, and the Ministry of Labor also officially responded to the same six people with their names and details.

The political space of critics and opponents of freedom and democracy, unfortunately, has a weak connection with other movements and social justice movements, and did not pay much attention to this petition and especially the high number of signatories. Perhaps some thought that now that the Rouhani government has come to power, it is the right-wing opposition to the government that is inciting and organizing these protests. The same mistake that some reformists made during the Khatami government regarding the protests of teachers.

3- The teacher protest movement (similar to the Northern Tea Workers) faced the same indifference during the period of reforms. However, the continuation of their movement showed their authenticity and independence, as well as the significance and depth of their demands. This fresh (and of course, renewed) movement has now become so widespread, popular, and influential that it has become one of the main factors in changing the Minister of Education in the Rouhani government. The teachers’ movement has had well-known and enduring prisoners in these years. In the recent elections, these prisoners were among the elected and inspectors of the Teachers’ Association. And this shows that the enemies of the ruling system are popular among the people in various professions.

4- A government in which the military and security forces have the upper hand, but does not care about being popular and is only after its own policy of “victory through fear” and a government based on fear and intimidation. That is why we have seen in recent days heavy sentences being issued for two labor activists, Jafar Azimzadeh and Shapour Ehsani Rad (two of the six coordinators of the 40,000-strong labor movement) and Ismail Abdi, a teacher union activist. These union activists pose the same “danger” to the security forces that the commander of the Revolutionary Guards had raised in the Green Movement. The security forces understood the difference between concern and danger (which Ali Shariati had previously mentioned in his work “With Familiar Audiences”, in his first letter after his family letters, as “danger” and “harm”). But unfortunately, political activists for freedom and democracy, relying on the educated middle class,

Human rights activists can be “one” in action with the link between the general democracy movement and “specific” movements of labor, gender, ethnicity, etc.

Narges Mohammadi, with her presence behind the prison doors, is one of the connecting points that has been targeted by the “dangerous” government due to her involvement in the execution of some political and religious prisoners from our Sunni compatriots and her personal connection with the women’s movement and others. Especially since she sometimes sheds light on some mental and visual boundaries of some political activists inside (or outside) the country and becomes a link between domestic activities and international public pressure through some of her meetings (such as with Mrs. Ashton). Or, on the contrary, she participates in elections from inside the prison and encourages others to participate as well, or she writes letters to domestic officials. These are all dangerous points, otherwise her strong words and positions are not a threat to the Star of Paradise, which scares the security apparatus. The security apparatus has learned intelligently to suppress its anger towards these types of words and in such cases, it strikes around these points. However, Narges is

The oppressive security apparatus, believing in the “victory through fear,” has been able to summarize and classify its experiences in the policy of suppression. But have the politicians, who rely on the educated middle class, been able to “summarize” their lives and struggles in their efforts for democracy and freedom? Have they been able to understand the strategic importance of social, labor, and ethnic movements? Have they been able to deeply and strategically contemplate these issues and rewrite their future plans with this strategic and important lesson? Have they been able to analyze clearly and practically the relationship between domestic efforts and the use of international public space and tools without compromising national interests, or are some people too complacent and others extremely pessimistic and without a strategy in this regard? Have they been able to, in addition to contemplation and consideration of strategic issues, come up with solutions that can operate within the limits of internal conditions and free up forces and gradually move closer to their goals and demands, and also not become

If we pay attention to the actions of some labor and teacher activists and human rights defenders who have received heavy sentences in recent weeks, we may be able to find traces of answers to some of the questions mentioned. Despite the costs, the crackdown and expansion of imprisonment and freedom of political and civil activists in recent years has also provided achievements in opening up the way. We must pay attention to both sides of this equation and apply its results and lessons to the future. Focusing on political and student activists, women, human rights defenders, etc. and neglecting the struggles of labor, teacher, ethnic and religious activists who are constantly working patiently and perseveringly and paying the costs of imprisonment and harassment, not only is it not morally and humanely acceptable, but it also deprives us of the results and achievements of their continuous efforts. The results and lessons that can sometimes be the key to unlocking closed paths in the difficult and rough road towards freedom, democracy, and justice in our Iran. We should

Women’s sports in Iran, barriers and cold war/ Ali Kalaii

Posted on November 26, 2016July 10, 2024 by admin

This is a picture of a beautiful flower.
Ali Kalai

Everything started from the revolution of Bahman 57. It was there that gender segregation began and a wall was built between women and men that has lasted for about four decades. A wall that has hindered progress and growth for half of the Iranian society in sports.

From the beginning of the February 1979 revolution, a wave of significant changes began in women’s sports in Iran. Iranian women, who had been excluded from the Olympic Games since 1964, when they opened as the largest global sports arena, seemed to have their fate changed in the early months of 1979. This was the reason why, in the international arena, Iranian women’s sports had no Olympic presence after the revolution until the 1996 Atlanta Olympics. It was in Atlanta that Lida Fariman made her first appearance in the 10-meter air rifle event, but unfortunately did not improve her ranking of 47th place.

During the years following the victory of the revolution, many bitter events have occurred for women’s sports in Iran. Of course, there have also been sweet events and Iranian female athletes have achieved great victories in the world of sports despite all the challenges. In the latest of these events, 18-year-old taekwondo athlete Kimia Alizadeh won the first Olympic medal for Iranian women in the history of our country at the Rio Olympics with her bronze medal. However, Kimia and other female athletes have reached such positions despite facing many tragedies. Kimia Alizadeh competed against opponents who had different levels of coverage, size, and weight than she did, and in fact, this brave Iranian taekwondo athlete did not face her opponents on equal terms. This is the case for all Iranian athletes in international and even domestic competitions.

Let’s talk about an example and concern that Soulmaz Abbasi, an Iranian Olympic rower, has been struggling with. Perhaps a part of the problems faced by female athletes and one of their issues will become clearer. In an interview with the state news agency for Iranian students, ISNA, in December 2013, Abbasi talks about a meeting she had with Marzieh Akbarabadi, the former deputy of women’s sports at the Ministry of Sports and Youth, after the Olympic Games. She says that the questions asked by this lady were completely unrelated to their problems and performance at the Olympics, such as “Why is your coach a husband and wife team?” or “Why is your cover inside your pants?” Abbasi continues this discussion and talks about her response to this lady in the field of women’s sports: “I told Ms. Akbarabadi, I wish you had come and seen our boat; our seat in the boat moves on a rail and if

“And of course, this discussion did not end here. Abbas continued: “Mrs. Akbarabadi even asked why you didn’t sew your cover from the middle of your foot on the day of the competition! I replied, should a sportsperson who has reached the Olympics and is participating in such a level of competition sit down and sew their cover from the middle of their foot for the first time?! She said you were coming and taking my clothes off, but I said my authority is the federation and they provided me with this clothing; it was not appropriate for me to take clothes from my personal closet… I was choked up at the time and when I came out of the room, I cried because I felt like I couldn’t talk about obvious and simple matters with someone who had such a great responsibility. She didn’t even accept the issues I brought up. When I was sitting in front of Mrs. Akbarabadi, I regretted going to the Olympics and I kept asking

The question here is, when encountering an Olympic athlete, do other Iranian female athletes generally have the desire to compete in international sports competitions in various fields?! These conditions are not only for this Iranian female sailor, but for all Iranian athletes. Those who can participate in competitions by overcoming thousands of obstacles and in a situation of lack of facilities are facing such conditions, and others, like female athletes in most water sports, are generally deprived of the opportunity to participate in international women’s competitions.

Various events have led to the elimination of many Iranian women in sports. However, mentioning some of them may serve as a good example of appropriate resistance to make the existing space for Iranian women in the field of sports more visible.

In October 2013, the Iranian women’s national karate team was eliminated from the third round of the Islamic Solidarity Games. The reason for this elimination was the Egyptian team’s protest against a piece of cloth that the Iranian women had used between their hats and collars. This piece of cloth was against the dress code set by the World Karate Federation for women’s attire. But what is the story behind the addition of this “piece of cloth”?

The Secretary General of the National Olympic Committee, Bahram Afsharzadeh, in an interview with Mehr News Agency, says: “The day before this event, a photo of female karate athletes was published and afterwards, Marzieh Akbarabadi, the Deputy Minister of Sports, contacted Indonesia and warned them about the hijab of our female athletes.” This warning from Ms. Akbarabadi and the fear of Iranian female athletes from potential future problems, led to the addition of that piece of cloth that later, with the complaint of the Egyptians, easily led to the removal of the Iranian women’s kata team. Just like that! With the personal taste of a deputy minister, the efforts of a group of female athletes and hours and weeks of training are wasted.

However, this incident had also occurred before. In June 2011, the Iranian women’s national football team was eliminated from the preliminary rounds of the 2012 London Olympics due to their Islamic hijab and the Bahraini referee’s refusal to officiate the match against Jordan.

The issue cannot be solved by wearing a hijab. In February 2014, a strange news was published that was very surprising. Ahmad Hashemian, the former head of the Medical Committee of the Iranian Football Federation, had announced the suspension of seven female players due to “gender ambiguity”. This was something that, according to most football and futsal players and according to a BBC Persian report at the time, was due to “different behavior and appearance from the usual definitions of femininity” and not adhering to “traditional gender boundaries”. This issue even extends beyond the issue of the appearance and behavior of women.

Based on the report of the Six Colors website, women undergo various tests for sports participation. The first stage of gender determination tests includes a psychological test in which questions about the level of interest in participating in women’s communities, interest in married life, marriage, sexual orientation, and the reason for shortening hair are asked. If the psychologist determines the continuation of the test, female athletes are referred to a medical commission consisting of one to six doctors (three women and three men) for breast and vaginal examinations. In some cases, female athletes are also required to undergo ultrasound of the uterus and ovaries. Obtaining a medical certificate confirming femininity is the final stage of these tests and a condition for obtaining permission to participate in sports competitions.

Sometimes, it is not directly at the hands of the government, but rather through existing laws and regulations in this government that female athletes are excluded from competitions. In September 2015, the news of the dismissal of Niloufar Ardalan, the captain of the Iranian women’s national football team, and her inability to participate in international football competitions due to her husband’s opposition, received widespread media coverage. A husband who, using existing laws, easily deprives a national team of a country from the presence of one of its players, or even its best player. That easily!

However, the issue of discrimination does not only end with athletes. The viewing and media coverage of women’s sports can also be prohibited from the perspective of a government that has made gender segregation its main priority, and these prohibitions can also be enforced.

The issue of broadcasting women’s sports is not a strange matter. It is an issue that can greatly encourage Iranian women and girls to participate in sports and strive for professional sports. Many male athletes today were inspired by watching images of male athletes from the past on the magical box of sound and image, and then through their pursuit, they were able to collaborate with their former legends or compete with them. In 1386, according to a report published in the Donya-ye Eqtesad newspaper, this issue was examined and it was titled that these competitions are free for foreign cameras and other countries, but forbidden for Iranian television and the people who use it. However, there have been recent advancements in showcasing women’s sports, especially in the recent Olympics where we have witnessed the competitions of our female athletes. But the ratio between men’s and women’s sports is so unfair that it can be compared to a drop in the face of a mountain.

The story does not end with not showing it. Seeing it by Iranian women and going to stadiums has also become a fundamental problem for Iranian women and has even led to the detention of women who have tried to attend matches at stadiums and sports complexes.

In November 2013, the story of the absence of permission for women to attend the free driving and rally races was a bitter tale of irony. The rally races no longer had light coverage or heavy movements. Men and women in their clothes and behind the wheel, but in the eyes of the rulers of the Islamic Republic, they were invisible to Iranian women. But behind walls and away from the wheel, they could easily see each other! It seems that only rally races and forbidden speed are considered taboo.

Volleyball and watching its matches by women is no longer acceptable. Ghoncheh Ghavami was arrested during this issue and spent months in prison. Even now, watching volleyball matches and going to stadiums related to various sports for Iranian women is considered a sin by the authorities. However, sometimes women from other countries are allowed to attend and support their teams. The presence of women from other countries in stadiums is considered permissible in the Islamic Republic’s system, but the presence of Iranian women in the same stadiums and games is considered forbidden. The double standards and illogical approach of the government towards this issue is clear.

After civil activists, both men and women, and the civil society insist on the presence of women in stadiums, extremist groups like Ansar Hezbollah come to the field and threaten through loudspeakers without being accountable to anyone, saying “we will stand against any violation of Sharia law.” Then, a woman named Rouh Afza claims to be the “head of the Women’s Cultural and Social Council” and accuses the “anti-revolutionaries” of being the main reason for women’s entry into stadiums. This means that insisting on this right will lead to being accused of being against the revolution, the system, and facing political-security charges. This causes many social classes and groups to refrain from demanding this natural right out of fear of such accusations.

And then the situation becomes comical and a strange paradox appears in a short time. A futsal match between Iran and Russia is held. The match is friendly. Reporters – even female reporters – cannot find a way to attend the match. The Iranian players are given jerseys without numbers and the interesting point is that the opposing team plays without hijab and in their own jerseys! It is not clear exactly what is considered forbidden and prohibited for whom by the authorities of the Islamic Republic and what is allowed and permissible?! This could be a symbol of the ambiguity and lack of clarity in the situation of women in sports in Iran. This issue arises at a time when there is controversy over whether or not to wear hijab in the World Chess Championships in Iran. Female athletes from other countries, such as Nazi Paikidze, have demanded that hijab not be forced upon them and have even stated that they will not participate in these competitions if hijab is mandatory. And of course, those

There are two points of discussion and identification here. First, if hijab is mandatory for female athletes competing in Iran, why is it not mandatory for Russian futsal players and chess players from other countries? And secondly, unfortunately, some have claimed that hijab and these types of segregations are “part of Iranian culture”! A lie that is refuted by the above narrative and all historical documents.

The current situation of women’s sports in Iran is at a standstill from all sides. Some sports are completely forbidden for women in all fields, according to the discretion of men. Some are included in the field of championship and some in the international arena, facing the same prohibition. Watching television and attending stadiums for spectators and sports enthusiasts among women is also forbidden, and of course, breaking the law carries a heavy penalty.

One of these fields that has been excessively paid for and in recent years has shown interest among Iranian women is the field of bodybuilding and fitness. A field that the Judiciary’s information center has claimed that “due to religious and legal issues, women have no activities in this field.”

But in July 2014, Borna News Agency reported a sexual assault on a female bodybuilding coach in Tehran. This incident took place in Ekbatan City and was followed up by the Fifth District of Tehran Police Intelligence. This news, along with other similar reports, contradicts the recent claims of the judiciary. But what is the reason behind this claim?

This year in Shahrivar, the Mizan News Agency reported the summons of two Iranian female bodybuilders and four men who apparently trained them and sent them to international competitions to the Culture and Media Court. The issue arose after the publication of photos of these women on their personal Instagram pages following their participation in these competitions. The bodybuilding women have been treated unfairly. The Bodybuilding Federation denies the involvement of women in this field and the judiciary also confirms this. The statement about the previously mentioned matter is false and incorrect.

In fact, this is a governmental institution that makes decisions and implements them based on its own values for women’s sports in Iran. No one can ask Iranian female athletes and sports enthusiasts what they want, how they want it, and how they demand a situation.

Former Minister of Sports of the government, Hassan Rouhani, in 2015, in a note published in Jomhuriye Eslami Sports, mentioned obstacles such as fear of damaging cultural and religious values, or family obstacles such as spouse or parents, from his and his government’s efforts to establish “Islamic” values in the world, saying: “We do not have the right to dominate Western values over Eastern values.”

The truth is that resistance in the field of women’s sports in Iranian society has increased. This resistance is so strong that it has brought the highest authorities of the government to the field. The leadership of the system, using the tool of fatwa, rallies against women’s sports and orders the abandonment of “women’s cycling”, calling it “a means of attracting men’s attention and causing social turmoil and corruption, and contrary to the modesty of women.”

Iranian women have been fighting a cold war against the values of authority for about four decades. They have repeatedly pushed back the strong walls of authority and continue to do so. They have achieved bronze medals in no sport and the Iranian women’s futsal team becomes the champion of Asia. Iranian women have protected women’s sports from lawlessness and lack of foundation by decision-makers and executives in this field. Executives who sometimes see hijab as necessary for non-Iranian female athletes and sometimes not. Sometimes they agree to a dress for Iranian female athletes and sometimes not. Sometimes they encourage and sometimes deprive. Lawless and baseless, completely based on the personal taste of the responsible individual in their position.

The fight of women and this cold war continues, despite all these baseless actions. Unfortunately, in every move and at the end of this cold war, they hit a solid wall. In this field and cold war, Iranian women will have a place to fight for their rights against the rule of the Islamic Republic, where both sides will come to the conclusion that the cold war is enough. Whatever the solution may be, history must be observed.

A wall taller than religion / Mohammad Javad Akbarian

Posted on November 26, 2016July 10, 2024 by admin

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Mohammad Javad Akbarin

In 1992, when women’s sports were not yet widely discussed in the public discourse of Islamic society, one of the sermons of “Seyyed Mohammad Hossein Fadlallah” caused controversy during the Friday prayers of the Shi’a community in Beirut.

Fadlallah, who later became known as the “Shia Leader of Lebanon”, did not have the position of marja’iyyat and fatwa until that year because his teacher, Sayyid Abu al-Qasim Khoei, the leader of the Najaf seminary, was still alive. Fadlallah was considered his representative in Lebanon until the end of his life and marja’iyyat. In August of that year, Sayyid Abu al-Qasim Khoei passed away and shortly after, when the discussion of Fadlallah’s marja’iyyat became heated, his critics still condemned him for the same Friday sermon.

In that sermon, he asked Muslim girls and women to learn various sports, including martial arts, self-defense, and even boxing, so that they would not fall behind in these fields and would not be unable to defend themselves.

Traditional critics used to say that not only does he consider women’s sports permissible and allowed, but he also recommends it to women as a desirable act and considers it necessary!

Fifteen years after that controversial sermon, when Fazlallah was sitting on the seat of authority and issuing fatwas, “Hala Ballout”, a reporter from the Lebanese weekly magazine Al-Sharaa, mentioned that sermon during a long conversation with him and asked, “Do you still defend that viewpoint and issue that fatwa, even in combat sports?”

Fazlollah responded: “Just as a man has the right to learn combat and defense sports, a woman also has the right; furthermore, a woman needs these sports to defend herself against the dangers that threaten her.”

He once again asked Muslim women to have “self-confidence in this path and use their country, society, and nation from their own thoughts, experiences, and creations.”

The reporter asked, “You have been accused by your critics of showing bias towards women in your religious rulings,” Fazlollah responded, “I take the side of the oppressed and believe that although women are equal to men in intellect and ability, they have been deprived and oppressed throughout history due to lack of recognition and experience.” (Al-Sharaa/ December 24, 2007) Fazlollah passed away in 2010, but his outspokenness on women’s sports remained unmatched among his fellow jurists.

Such debates, of course, have a longer history and presence in Sunni society; as an example, the Kuwaiti magazine “Al-Wa’i” (issue 556) published a report on the opinions of some prominent figures of Al-Azhar University in Egypt regarding women’s sports, most of whom believed this trend to be a result of competition with women’s status in Western culture and emphasized the condemnation of women’s sports and the necessity of resisting Western influence.

In the same report, however, the cautious opinion of the head of the Faculty of Principles of Religion at Al-Azhar was that women’s sports are not inherently forbidden and the sidelines of the issue should not be mixed with Sharia.

In general, it can be said that in Shia and Sunni jurisprudence, there is no evidence for the sanctity of women’s sports in any field, and all opinions regarding sanctity or disapproval refer to its consequences (including hijab and clothing). Some have also considered such action contrary to “the main duty of women, which is to take care of the family and raise children.”

What has passed, although an example of a religious perspective on the issue of women’s sports, is not separate from the chain of traditional and historical discrimination against women; a chain that first defines a woman’s identity from a patriarchal point of view and then, after demonstrating this definition as obvious, goes on to intimidate and threaten her body and duties. Exactly in this historical chain, when it comes to religion, it also defines the religiosity and Muslim identity of women in a patriarchal manner and considers any deviation from it as a departure from religious laws or a sin.

Therefore, removing such historical obstacles requires more than just reform and revision in jurisprudence and fatwa. Because patriarchy is not only intertwined with our theology, but also with our understanding of God, humanity, worldview, and all aspects of our knowledge and identity. Perhaps it was with this perspective that Fazlollah demanded “self-confidence” for women in sports! It seems that the wall of restraining women is higher than it can be brought down by jurisprudence and fatwa, and as long as they do not insist on entering these areas and breaking down barriers, they will continue to spin in the same place.

یWatching football, a dream that never settles / Human portrait

Posted on November 26, 2016July 10, 2024 by admin

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“Negar Human”

For years, the issue of entering stadiums has been a concern for many women and girls who are fans of football and volleyball. And still, many have not lost hope that one day they will be able to watch their favorite teams play up close.

During the past few days, several videos containing offensive and inappropriate language from the leaders of the red and blue teams have been shared on social media. These videos contain vulgar and sexist insults directed towards women. Such behavior is becoming more prevalent in sports stadiums and women are subjected to disrespect and insults, even though they have every right to be there. Unfortunately, no one has been able to find a fundamental solution to this problem in our society, where solving social issues and crises like this seems impossible.

But the main story that I am more inclined to write about is about a girl named “Zeynab”. She is famous on social media and is known as a strong and high-minded Persepolis girl who never insults the elders and players of the rival team. Recently, Zeynab and her friends – along with boys – organized a warm and good reception for the Persepolis players in Ahvaz city. When I look at their pictures, I wonder why women have to be victims of men’s immorality in this country? I never get tired of talking about this issue because it is one of my concerns; because I love football and I hope one day I can cheer for my favorite team up close and in a completely calm and safe environment. We have to ask why every time the issue of entering football stadiums is raised, we hear men repeating this cliché dialogue that “as a man, I am sometimes ashamed to be in the stadium, let alone

In fact, all these years our effort has been to enter football and volleyball stadiums because of our love and passion for sports, but we never looked at it from the perspective of writing about these injustices and protesting. We are victims of a situation that we have no direct role in creating. When I looked at this picture and saw the faces of these girls who are eagerly waiting to welcome their favorite players, I felt sorry that our stadiums are empty of the presence of female football fans who passionately turn their homes into stadiums and have to summarize their joy and happiness alone in front of the TV after every victory. The screams, tears, and smiles that are repeated in front of the TV after 90 minutes without ever having the chance to see their favorite team play up close…

Dreams must come true before they can settle down. We never give up on our dreams; even if we are pushed aside, we continue our efforts and do not let our dreams settle down.

Men’s Footsteps on the Lives of Marivan Women/ Farzaneh Jalali

Posted on November 26, 2016July 10, 2024 by admin

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Farzaneh Jalali

Discriminatory encounters and common dichotomies of good/bad, beautiful/ugly, acceptable/unacceptable, and conformist/non-conformist can be criticized from various perspectives. As patriarchal societies view the world through a male-centered lens, they use masculine tools and mechanisms to pass on their male-dominated ideologies, and will never allow for the presence of others, namely women. In this historical process, there is a crucial need for cultural transformation and the creation of social infrastructures, which must begin with the reformation of the male gaze towards women. The production of such structures involves injecting cultural concepts and promoting individual growth and democratic values within the traditions and social environment of such societies. Therefore, broken perspectives on the meaningful social environment are only advocated and constructed by a male-dominated society, which ultimately molds the female perspective.

Women make up half of the marginalized members of male-dominated society. In such a society, the presence of women in various fields, including sports, is undoubtedly hindered. The approach that has been observed in recent years in the extremely male-dominated society of Iran towards women’s sports is a discriminatory approach. From a Foucauldian perspective, “discrimination” leads to categorization and marginalization of various social concepts, as well as the imposition of discrimination and dualism on these concepts. Therefore, it seems that an unspoken agreement has been reached to completely or relatively exclude women from sports fields – and in parallel in other fields. Based on this, engaging in sports is defined more in the masculine realm and with characteristics such as power and competition, which ultimately leads to unconscious and, in most cases, conscious and systemic discrimination in the direction of social-masculine management. In addition to the structural thinking and negative attitude towards women’s sports, the lack of infrastructure and sports facilities,

In general, women’s sports in Kurdistan province are not exempt from this general rule of women’s sports in the country (policies of exclusion and categorization); superstitions and cultural and legal restrictions have always tried to resist and oppose the presence of women in sports. Kurdish provinces have always been a challenge for authority due to religious and ethnic reasons, but wherever there has been a will to break the glass ceilings and traditions by women, these challenges have become less significant and obstacles have been removed for women to shine.

Legal support for honor killings, which annually claim hundreds of victims, is one of the links that imposes double discrimination on Kurdish women due to the culture of honor worship. Lack of economic infrastructure, widespread unemployment among women, and ultimately dependence on male family members are among the issues that create special conditions for women in this region. Despite this, Kurdish women have been suffering from customary and legal discrimination for years, and have tried to give meaning to their right to life amidst unequal attacks. Among them are women who, despite obstacles, pursue sports professionally and have been successful in various fields and categories, which can change and diminish the traditional and general view of women in sports.

Mariwan is one of the cities that carries a lot of historical experiences of women’s struggle and resistance against patriarchal ideologies and legal barriers. Protests against the murder of “Farshad Najati” by her father and several other honor killings, as well as marches in response to the dressing of criminals in women’s clothing, are examples that have been organized under the leadership of active women in this city.

This is a picture of a beautiful garden.
No-Car Wednesdays in Marivan – Photo from Herana

In recent days, we have witnessed another obstacle to women’s activities in Mariwan, which worsens the space for weakening women’s rights and psychological violence. The popular campaign of “Car-Free Wednesdays”, which started from the last days of February last year, has turned into a regular event where women on bicycles are confronted on this day. Women on bicycles in Mariwan joined this campaign from the first day, but it wasn’t long before an illegal ban on women’s cycling was imposed. This action was met with protests from civil activists, but it resulted in nothing but the detention and confiscation of bicycles. In this regard, one thousand and four hundred citizens and civil activists signed and published an open letter to the relevant authorities, protesting against the ban on women’s cycling in public spaces in the city of Mariwan. They demanded the cancellation of such a ban and equal consideration for women’s rights.

The topic that Mansour Moradi, representative of Marivan in the Islamic Consultative Assembly, confirms in an interview with “Vaghaye Iran” in a different way: “It is better for me not to talk about it until the matter is resolved. I have also heard that there have been incidents with women in Marivan, but it has not been as big as the media portrays it. In the latest news I have about this issue, the Marivan City Council has allocated a section of the women’s park as a cycling track to facilitate women’s cycling.” Allocating specific places for women cyclists is another form of gendering public spaces and systematically excluding women from these spaces.

This new ban on women’s activities comes at a time when the Rouhani government has defined achieving gender equality as one of its serious objectives. However, what we are witnessing in Marivan is the banning of women’s cycling under the pretext of “customs and hijab”. These efforts to further deprive women of active presence in the public sphere and restrict them to specific spaces are based on gender ideologies.

Women’s sports problems in Marivan are not limited to cycling in public spaces. Lack of sports facilities such as equipped clubs, not allocating budget for the development and empowerment of female athletes, not inviting athletes to higher levels, and ultimately marginalizing women in urban development processes are indicative of structural violence against women in urban spaces and a tool to exclude them from the public sphere. Therefore, in order to fight against this structural violence, it is necessary to advocate for the right of women to freely participate and engage in the city.