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Reza Alijani

1- During the Green Movement, statements from a commander of the Revolutionary Guards were published, stating that one of his comrades had seen a fellow soldier among the protesters (Green Movement) on the front lines. He was deeply upset and concerned about this, but had said that the group of protesters that he saw his friend among were moving towards Valiasr Street (in Tehran). He added that if the youth in the lower parts of the city and Khurasan Square engage in these types of demonstrations, they should feel a sense of danger.

The difference between “concern” and “danger” in the words of this commander is very important and strategically significant. The difference between the movement of the middle class and the movement of the lower income classes in society. A movement with primarily political and cultural demands versus a movement with primarily economic demands.

2- Political protest statements are usually published with the signature of a few hundred people and at most, for example, a thousand people. But in February 2014, a petition signed by “forty thousand” workers was published, demanding an increase in the minimum wage for workers for the year 2014. The “coordinators” of this petition were six people who were corresponding with the Ministry of Labor under their names and titles, and the Ministry of Labor also officially responded to the same six people with their names and details.

The political space of critics and opponents of freedom and democracy, unfortunately, has a weak connection with other movements and social justice movements, and did not pay much attention to this petition and especially the high number of signatories. Perhaps some thought that now that the Rouhani government has come to power, it is the right-wing opposition to the government that is inciting and organizing these protests. The same mistake that some reformists made during the Khatami government regarding the protests of teachers.

3- The teacher protest movement (similar to the Northern Tea Workers) faced the same indifference during the period of reforms. However, the continuation of their movement showed their authenticity and independence, as well as the significance and depth of their demands. This fresh (and of course, renewed) movement has now become so widespread, popular, and influential that it has become one of the main factors in changing the Minister of Education in the Rouhani government. The teachers’ movement has had well-known and enduring prisoners in these years. In the recent elections, these prisoners were among the elected and inspectors of the Teachers’ Association. And this shows that the enemies of the ruling system are popular among the people in various professions.

4- A government in which the military and security forces have the upper hand, but does not care about being popular and is only after its own policy of “victory through fear” and a government based on fear and intimidation. That is why we have seen in recent days heavy sentences being issued for two labor activists, Jafar Azimzadeh and Shapour Ehsani Rad (two of the six coordinators of the 40,000-strong labor movement) and Ismail Abdi, a teacher union activist. These union activists pose the same “danger” to the security forces that the commander of the Revolutionary Guards had raised in the Green Movement. The security forces understood the difference between concern and danger (which Ali Shariati had previously mentioned in his work “With Familiar Audiences”, in his first letter after his family letters, as “danger” and “harm”). But unfortunately, political activists for freedom and democracy, relying on the educated middle class,

Human rights activists can be “one” in action with the link between the general democracy movement and “specific” movements of labor, gender, ethnicity, etc.

Narges Mohammadi, with her presence behind the prison doors, is one of the connecting points that has been targeted by the “dangerous” government due to her involvement in the execution of some political and religious prisoners from our Sunni compatriots and her personal connection with the women’s movement and others. Especially since she sometimes sheds light on some mental and visual boundaries of some political activists inside (or outside) the country and becomes a link between domestic activities and international public pressure through some of her meetings (such as with Mrs. Ashton). Or, on the contrary, she participates in elections from inside the prison and encourages others to participate as well, or she writes letters to domestic officials. These are all dangerous points, otherwise her strong words and positions are not a threat to the Star of Paradise, which scares the security apparatus. The security apparatus has learned intelligently to suppress its anger towards these types of words and in such cases, it strikes around these points. However, Narges is

The oppressive security apparatus, believing in the “victory through fear,” has been able to summarize and classify its experiences in the policy of suppression. But have the politicians, who rely on the educated middle class, been able to “summarize” their lives and struggles in their efforts for democracy and freedom? Have they been able to understand the strategic importance of social, labor, and ethnic movements? Have they been able to deeply and strategically contemplate these issues and rewrite their future plans with this strategic and important lesson? Have they been able to analyze clearly and practically the relationship between domestic efforts and the use of international public space and tools without compromising national interests, or are some people too complacent and others extremely pessimistic and without a strategy in this regard? Have they been able to, in addition to contemplation and consideration of strategic issues, come up with solutions that can operate within the limits of internal conditions and free up forces and gradually move closer to their goals and demands, and also not become

If we pay attention to the actions of some labor and teacher activists and human rights defenders who have received heavy sentences in recent weeks, we may be able to find traces of answers to some of the questions mentioned. Despite the costs, the crackdown and expansion of imprisonment and freedom of political and civil activists in recent years has also provided achievements in opening up the way. We must pay attention to both sides of this equation and apply its results and lessons to the future. Focusing on political and student activists, women, human rights defenders, etc. and neglecting the struggles of labor, teacher, ethnic and religious activists who are constantly working patiently and perseveringly and paying the costs of imprisonment and harassment, not only is it not morally and humanely acceptable, but it also deprives us of the results and achievements of their continuous efforts. The results and lessons that can sometimes be the key to unlocking closed paths in the difficult and rough road towards freedom, democracy, and justice in our Iran. We should