
The golden opportunity of having Molavi Abdolhamid for the Sunni community and Iran; in conversation with Taghi Rahmani/ Simin Rouzgard.
Conversation with Simin Rouzgar
Taqi Rahmani, a writer and member of the National Religious Activists Council, who has spent nearly one-third of his life in prison, is a familiar figure among civil activists. He has firsthand experience of facing deprivation and underdevelopment in Sistan and Baluchestan, as well as interacting with Molavi Abdulhamid, the Sunni Friday Prayer Leader of Zahedan and one of the highest-ranking Sunni leaders in Iran.
The monthly magazine “Peace Line” in this issue has discussed with Mr. Rahmani about Mawlana Abdul Hamid and the influence of this religious scholar of the Sunni community in reducing tensions and conflicts in Sistan and Baluchestan province and among the Sunnis of Iran. He describes Mawlana Abdul Hamid as a very friendly and tolerant person and considers the pro-Iranian stance of the Friday Imam of the Sunnis in Zahedan as a golden opportunity that should be paid attention to by the authorities and those in power in Iran. In this interview, this civil activist emphasizes the role of the government and central power in establishing this interaction and says that these regions should move towards sustainable, non-political, non-military, and non-insecurity development.
The following is a description of the conversation with Taqi Rahmani, writer, civil activist, and national religious activist, according to your opinion.
Dear Mr. Rahmani, was the award of the Human Rights Defenders Center, which was presented to Molavi Abdulhamid, the Friday Imam of the Sunni community in Zahedan, through Ms. Narges Mohammadi, due to his role in a specific issue such as mediation in the release of soldiers taken hostage by armed groups in the region, or was this award given based on his character and behavioral qualities over the past years?
I do not have accurate information; but certainly, there was an agent who played a role in the issue of the hostage-taking of soldiers and became their mediator. Another reason was his acceptance in the National Peace Council. In fact, Moulavi was sent as a representative to the National Peace Council, which was formed in 1386 by Ms. Ebadi and had more than 80 members in the council.
This type of positions and behaviors of Molavi Abdolhamid, which have been different from the beginning, have made him a distinct personality. I have a personal experience with Molavi Abdolhamid, which dates back to my meeting with him in 2006. In that meeting, I saw Molavi Abdolhamid as a civil personality, completely different from the usual faces of a Sunni clergy in a remote area. It was very interesting for me to see him behave and interact with great intimacy and tolerance. Others who have had meetings with Molavi Abdolhamid at different times have also seen these characteristics in him. Recently, the positions he has taken are both attentive to the Sunni identity and nationalistic; meaning that Iran is his priority.
Is it accurate to say that the placement of an individual with their characteristics in leadership positions in the Sunni community of Iran, in a society that suffers from systematic discrimination, reduces the potential for violence and predictable tensions in Iranian society?
I believe that in this matter, the approach of the central government is the most important and crucial. For example, in regards to Kurdistan, a report published in 2015 by the Strategic Research Council of the Ministry of Interior pointed to the growth of groups similar to Tawhid and Jihad and warned about the different perspectives in the city of Paveh. On the other hand, the report emphasizes that the Quranic School, which is led by Mr. Kak Hassan Amini, cannot be considered a fundamentalist group and has a progressive perspective in Kurdistan. However, as you can see, what has been the treatment towards this group and Mr. Amini is banned from leaving the country (similar to Mullah Abdolhamid who was banned from leaving until recently). On the other hand, in Kurdistan, considering the existing atmosphere, what is the treatment towards civil activists? For example, why should someone like Mohammad Sadiq Kaboudvand spend 10 years in prison? While
As we can see, with the arrival of the new standard in Sistan and Baluchestan, Mr. Ali Ausat Hashemi, overall and considering all the pressures, has behaved better; the result is that we see the deadly operations in this province have been reduced to a minimum and this has made it possible for some development to take place. However, it must be emphasized that there are still many limitations; including the fact that important officials cannot be chosen from among the Sunnis – even in Sunni areas. These are all points that need to be addressed.
In my opinion, if this interaction is mutual, the tolerance and spirit of Iranian culture has the potential to bring together Iranian ethnic groups within the framework of national interests. However, national interests must also ensure their own interests. National interests cannot only focus on the center. These are things that we need. But in general, regardless of all these injustices, the very noble behaviors that we see in figures like Kak Hassan Amini and Molavi Abdulhamid are a result of the Iranian spirit, which in my opinion, has also brought religious tolerance with it. Imagine if they had a tendency towards extremist groups like ISIS, what tragedy could have happened in Iran. Because when forces that are self-made and belong to that country join ISIS, their operational power becomes even more terrifying. The reality is that the presence of these figures in Sunni areas has been a blessing for Iran, but the government has not paid much attention to their rights and Iran should pay attention to these rights for its own sake.
In my opinion, for peace and development in these provinces, we need other factors that the government can largely contribute to. Choosing a Sunni minister or governor (of course, the emphasis is not on being Sunni, but rather on being native and familiar with the region) can have a significant impact in this regard. We know that these behaviors do not exist yet, but the behaviors of Sunnis have been much more measured. For example, Mr. Molavi Abdolhamid recently addressed the President during the elections, saying the same thing that Engineer Sahabi said in 2002. Engineer Sahabi said, our main goal is to preserve Iran, and Molavi Abdolhamid says today, Mr. President, do not pay attention to the religion and beliefs of individuals, pay attention to Iran. When such words are spoken by a religious Molavi, it is very important. He could have said that Mr. President should only pay attention to our interests as Sunnis and Shias.
“Molavi Abdolhamid plays a key role in reducing tensions and violence that are imaginable in the shadow of widespread injustice against Sunni citizens. However, his presence is restricted by security forces to the extent that even his son-in-law, who was also his chief of staff, was imprisoned on false charges and recently he has been banned from traveling to other provinces. Does this mean that at least some authorities in the government do not see the presence or activities of such a person as beneficial and are inclined to remove him?”
This issue is not clear to me. In fact, we do not know much about how the economic interests are linked with the military in Sistan and Baluchestan province. The control that exists for maintaining security in Sistan and Baluchestan is not clear. On the other hand, Mullah Abdulhamid criticizes some internal individuals and those who are younger and more progressive. For example, after the elections, I saw an analysis from a right-wing website that considered the reason for Mr. Rouhani’s victory to be the Sunnis and believed that there are young people in Sistan and Baluchestan who want to make individual decisions. If we pay attention to them, we can gain the Sunni vote for the right-wing in the future. But the important question is, can we find a smoother language in Sistan and Baluchestan with this security atmosphere and polarization? This kind of treatment towards Sunnis or towards Kurds, which essentially reproduces a state of
What is clear is that one of the policies of sustainable development is to try to move these provinces, at least in their urban areas, towards becoming non-political and non-military and secure. Another problem is that among our security forces, the issue of security takes priority over the issue of protection. Protection is a scientific issue, while security means securing the space. In fact, maintaining security in the minds of Iranian political and military officials is linked to securing it. In this explosion in the parliament, you saw that our protection was very low. Usually, in a place like the parliament, you should have two protection groups so that when the first group is under attack, the second group can immediately take control; but the second group did not exist. After the attack, officials came and said that the Revolutionary Guards saved 150 people, when the first principle of protection is that this action should not have been carried out with that number of people. This perspective also exists regarding all security issues in the
If someone like Molavi Abdulhamid does not take on a leadership role in the Sunni community of Iran and the affairs fall into the hands of individuals who do not approve of his current approach, what consequences can be imagined for the Iranian society, considering the widespread injustice towards Sunni citizens and their large population?
Before Mawlana Abd al-Hamid, there were individuals like Mawlana Abd al-Majid who held leadership positions in this society and were also under a lot of pressure. But I see a patience in the structure of these individuals that may be attributed to the Iranian spirit. In my opinion, it is a tragedy if a confrontational person is placed in such a position and tries to retaliate. In any case, it is possible that in such a situation, the central government will increase security measures and suppress more, but the damage will also increase.
The attitude of Moulavi Abdul Hamid is more moderate in Sistan and Baluchestan. In Sistan and Baluchestan, we also see the presence of radical Moulavis, but they do not hold the same level of influence and position as Moulavi Abdul Hamid. In fact, because this is a grassroots choice, the Sunni community in Sistan and Baluchestan rejects them, and this is a meaningful behavior. If you pay attention, people’s participation in political issues is very high in Kurdistan as well. Even in the recent elections, people intelligently entered the elections and defeated a political faction. As I mentioned, if these figures were not present, our situation would be much more dangerous. These figures also represent certain signs. Moulavi Abdul Hamid has very good colleagues and advisors. Young advisors who are intelligent and even have a national perspective. I myself went to Zahedan University and saw these people who are around Moulavi.
Mr. Rahmani, do you actually believe that if one day Moulavi Abdulhamid is not present, the Sunni community in Iran will prevent the violent retaliation from happening by the public?
My personal experience with this province shows that Baluchistan has a commercial sector and a regular people sector. The economy of Baluchistan needs to change and become more industrialized. These merchants, who also support Mullah Abdul Hamid, want security. They do not smuggle drugs and ultimately, the smuggling of these merchants is related to the smuggling of goods, which has its own specific problems. Of course, some of these merchants are not involved in smuggling and are active in the field of imports. You see, the economic relationship is somewhat linked to political and religious characteristics. For example, the rule of Shia clergy, since it becomes a city, is observed and they prioritize a peaceful life in the city. The reason for this is also the relationship with merchants. In the beginning, the market of Tehran and other major cities in Iran supported the clergy, and then the masses of people. But what regulates this relationship is also the economic role. Mullah, in a way, also represents
As a result, it can be said that Mawlana Abdul Hamid is the sole spokesperson for the interests of society, which are headed by the clergy and then the merchants. By merchants, it does not mean large merchants, but rather those whose livelihood is dependent on trade, and trade is not something that can be accompanied by economic insecurity.
Molavi Abdolhamid fully supported Hassan Rouhani in both recent presidential elections. Do you think this support is because the situation of Sunnis has improved during Mr. Rouhani’s term, or does Molavi Abdolhamid still expect improvement in the conditions of the Sunni community under Mr. Rouhani’s government? Or did he simply support Mr. Rouhani because the opposing forces were extremists and there was fear that if they gained power, the situation of Sunni citizens and the divide between Shia and Sunni would worsen?
All of these issues have had a significant impact on the position of Molavi Abdulhamid. During the 8 years of Ahmadinejad’s government, the situation of Sunnis in Iran worsened significantly and the reality is that when Mr. Ali Owsat Hashemi became governor, a series of positive actions were taken. However, satisfaction has not yet been achieved enough and the reason for this is that there are still many problems. But for example, this has not happened in Kurdistan; although Kurds have still voted.
As I mentioned, overall this goes back to Iranian adaptability, where firstly, considering the circumstances, the current minority groups are trying their best to prevent more radical movements from arising, as their situation would worsen. Secondly, regardless, during Mr. Rouhani’s time, a series of positive actions have been taken in Sistan and Baluchestan compared to the previous Ahmadinejad era.
One very strange phenomenon that exists in Sistan and Baluchestan is the high participation of women in the city council. This shows that positive cultural activities have taken place in that region in relation to our society as a whole.
In my opinion, Mowlavi Abdolhamid and even the Kurdish leaders’ messages are clear: firstly, be careful not to worsen the situation, and secondly, think about improving the situation or at least taking steps towards eliminating discrimination. Discrimination is the root of all injustices and it starts with discrimination. Discrimination is different from differences; discrimination means that one has more rights, but differences in abilities and distinctions are shown. When you discriminate, the issue becomes personal and continues until you reach a point where the gap has become too large. In my opinion, Mowlavi is aware of all these issues and his request from Mr. Rouhani is to take more steps. Of course, these steps will face a lot of pressure from some authorities, as there are differences between Shia and Sunni. In my opinion, Shia clerics who are in power in Iran, or at least those who are more reasonable, should start a discussion about how Sunnis are the true followers of
The existence of individuals like Mawlana Abdul Hamid and Kak Hassan Amini as a good bridge of communication is a golden opportunity that should not be turned into a threat. These individuals have reached out to the central government multiple times for friendship, but have not received appropriate responses. The main reason for this is that unfortunately, in the Iranian government, decision-makers often clash with each other, causing divisions among minorities and opposing forces. Mawlana and others like him have the right to be critical and play their regional role. This regional role will actually have a national face and, as mentioned, this national face can even help rebuild the Shia-Sunni relationship in the entire world.
If there is any point left at the end, please let me know.
This discussion is very important. And I want to emphasize again that the part of the government that is thinking about reforming some issues needs figures like Moulavi, even for their own interests. Otherwise, we will enter into much harder conflicts and these conflicts are not beneficial for either the Sunni or Shia community, and regardless of the Shia-Sunni debate, they are not beneficial for national interests and none of the Iranians.

Tags
Monthly Peace Line Magazine Moulavi Abdul Hamid peace line Simin Daytrip Sunni Taqi Rahmani پیمان صلح ماهنامه خط صلح