The second half of 1398 (2019-2020), both in terms of the number of important political and social events and their significance, is one of the most intense periods in contemporary Iranian history. The disastrous decision of the government to suddenly increase gasoline prices, widespread protests in over one hundred cities in protest against the price hike and the brutal and savage suppression of these protests, which resulted in the death and injury of hundreds of protesters, the assassination of Qasem Soleimani in Iraq by the US military, Iran’s reaction with a missile attack on a US military base in Iraq, and ultimately the downing of a Ukrainian plane with two missiles by the Revolutionary Guards are just some of the events that explain what happened in Iran in the second half of 1398. At the end of 1398, Iran’s political atmosphere was characterized by a deep and serious imbalance of power and social unrest, in stark contrast to the beginning of the year.

The consequence of these major events, in the political and social sphere of Iran, was the accumulation of dissatisfaction and the deepening of the gap between the government and the people; especially since in the protests of 1398 – unlike other protests in the past forty years – none of the factions of the government showed support for the protesters. After the November protests and the downing of the Ukrainian plane, different segments of Iranian society saw themselves in complete confrontation with the government. In a short period of time, the gap between the people and the government reached its deepest state and as a result, Iran became pregnant with immense and profound changes.

This fiery situation, in the short term, not only did not provide the opportunity for another protest movement to emerge and transform, but also did not become an additional political advantage for organizing protests. The global coronavirus pandemic, since mid-February 2020, has disrupted social life in Iran as well as in other countries of the world and, as an external factor beyond the will of all, imposed a state of calm on social and political developments in the country. During the pandemic, the whole world was faced with a special situation in which, due to quarantines and restrictions on movement, calm and immobility can be considered as its most important characteristics.

Among these, the university became one of the first victims of the coronavirus. The extensive network of universities in the country, in the protests of December 2017 and November 2019, acted as the nervous system of the protests, paving the way for the spread of protests to different parts of the country. The widespread arrests of students, heavy and lengthy prison sentences, as well as the deprivation of the right to education for a considerable number of students, prevented universities from fulfilling this important role, as the executors of this role were not only active and activist students, but also a significant part of the student movement. In such a situation, the coronavirus, at least in terms of providing the possibility of closing universities for the government, had a historic opportunity: universities and, consequently, the possibility of protest in the university space were quickly closed.

The closure of universities gave the repressive regime an opportunity for a “quiet cultural revolution”. However, in the tragedy of the 1979 cultural revolution, the various factions of the current Islamic Republic – both in theory and in practice – had a significant presence and as a result, the cultural revolution was a common achievement and experience for these different factions of the government. They believed that with a few warnings and the closure of universities, the university space could be “purified” and the possibility of student protests could be suspended for a long time.

The only similarity between the cultural revolution and the closure of universities during the coronavirus period was not the shutting down of universities. Before anything else, during this period, a considerable number of university professors and students were expelled and suspended, and “pure” professors were replaced by specialists. Part of the remaining cases from the years 1396 and 1398 were used to suspend and expel students, using the living space in student protests. In addition, a significant number of critical professors were prevented from teaching at the university under titles such as buyback, end of contract, and retirement. The “forced privatization” in the university space, which had started as a widespread wave in the early 90s, reached its peak during the coronavirus period. The Ministry of Science, as much as possible, sold the welfare facilities and university space. At the same time, due to the limitations of the coronavirus and the absence of students, the activities of journals and student guild councils were also affected. In

However, the suspension of university activities has led to a disruption in the connection between different generations of active students. A significant number of university applicants from 2019 to 2022 had lost the chance to attend university and connect with student organizations, institutions, and activists. Therefore, in October 2022, about three-fourths of the students, despite being enrolled, were “invisible students” and had no contact or connection with previous generations who had entered the university.

Holding the 1400 elections, within the framework of the “cleansing of the system” ideology, also increased the desire to pressure universities among the rulers. Specifically, from the time of the 1400 presidential election, which led to the presidency of Ebrahim Raisi, until the full reopening of universities in 1401, a significant number of university professors were expelled following purification policies.

With these details, in the summer of 1401, predicting the situation of universities in the month of Mehr and the return of universities to “normal” conditions was very difficult. On the one hand, the political excesses of 1398, the expulsion of professors and students, privatization, and social unrest due to the intensification of compulsory hijab policies had created a great capacity for university protests from the very first days of the reopening of universities. On the other hand, a large number of students were entering university for the first time and mentally there was no capacity for protests to occur.

According to Charles Tilly’s theoretical framework (2), in the analysis of social movements, the context of the occurrence of movements is shaped by the momentary combination of “political opportunities” and “resource mobilization”. In the summer of 1401 (1982), it was perceived that in the month of Mehr of the same year, for universities, independent of the general situation of society, although there are political opportunities, there is no capacity for resource mobilization. As a result, the question was raised: what will be the result of the interaction between a great opportunity and weak resources, including human resources? A question that, of course, received a historic answer.

The killing of Mahsa Amini, and the series of events that followed, in which she sparked the movement “Women, Life, Freedom” in contemporary Iranian history, created grounds for universities to become important centers of the movement, relying on the resonance of opportunities and resources. The voice of protest of Iranian women, the voice of solidarity among different sectors of society, and the voice of determination to change the current situation, spread from university to university to different regions of Iran. Universities, after the soft cultural revolution of Corona, returned in October 2022 as arenas of protest against the situation.

These protests were just another reason for the government’s oppressive regime to attack universities. The attack began with the personal forces’ assault on the university space and the beating of students, leading to their detention, expulsion, and suspension. After suppressing the “Women, Life, Freedom” movement and gathering various statistics, more than 4,000 students were detained, suspended, or expelled. During this time, more than 60 professors from various universities were also expelled or suspended in different ways. Purging universities was a top priority for the oppressive regime, which immediately began after suppressing the movement.

After the end of street protests, the enforcement of hijab in university environments intensified. Student organizations were partially shut down and a large portion of student publications, which were critical, were also shut down. “Constant suppression” was a government project to continue the work of universities.

On the other hand, suppressing the protests of “women, life, freedom” was especially due to the fact that its victory, regardless of the reality of the scene, had been postponed to “overthrow” the Islamic Republic in the opposition political space, creating a wave of despair in protest movements. The 1401 students, in the short term and in front of their eyes, saw the emergence of a movement, its climax, the expulsion and suspension and detention of friends, and ultimately the defeat of the movement. Therefore, it was natural for them to become desperate. The victorious face of the “women, life, freedom” movement, in its profound social effects, unfortunately, was not seen as necessary, and on the contrary, the face of its defeat in politics became a reality and became public.

Coincidentally, the emergence of the “Woman, Life, Freedom” movement was what forced the government to hand over power to the reformists after the still unclear helicopter crash of Ibrahim Raisi. In fact, the profound social effects of the “Woman, Life, Freedom” movement had a clear message for the rulers that they could no longer continue with their old ways. A change – even if small, limited, and strictly insufficient – was put on the agenda and the president’s doctors became the new rulers.

Pressure and suppression in universities have been one of the main causes of the gap between the government and the people, especially during the “purification” period and the presidency. Therefore, any policy based on bridging this gap must also include the possibility of breathing in universities. This is something that apparently fits in with the slogans of the new president. Doctors, not only in election slogans but also in post-election promises, have promised the return of expelled professors and students. Promises that the Ministry of Science has recently proposed an executive mechanism for. However, as long as these claims do not move from the level of slogans to the level of action, they will not affect all students and professors, and as a result, the possibility of activity in student organizations will not be provided, and no one’s pain will be cured.

In addition, the expulsion of professors and students means burning the life, potential, and ability of the elites of society. As a result, even if there is a reform and change in policies and the return of students and professors, the compensation for damages and healing of the wounds inflicted on the university will require time and intervention. It is clear that the return of the university to the effective political and social sphere is not immediately available and the compensation for the burnt possibilities is not as simple as it seems.

In recent weeks, a significant number of expelled and suspended students have been reported to have carried out their sentences. These pressures, just a few weeks before the reopening of universities and during a government that claims to prioritize the moderation of the university atmosphere, do not send a positive message to students and university professors; especially when we are not in the Khatami and Rouhani era where the mindset of “existence of two factions” and “extremist sabotage” can explain the shortcomings. If there is a change in the agenda, it is a decision of the government as a whole, and if this change is superficial and useless, the government is still accountable for the current situation to its opponents.

With the reopening of universities, educational environments, and important indicators for measuring non-change, the possibility of changes occurring in the hands of society will be possible. If the university continues to decline in recent years and becomes more like a military barracks, it can be certain that the slogan of change and modification is not taken seriously. In recent years, the social situation, in connection with the threat of universities, has turned academic environments in Iran into “one of the stages of administrative migration.” This is an issue that, according to experts, has long-term negative effects and is alarming. Therefore, the message of creating the possibility of change from the university and within the university, not only for educational environments, but also for students and professors, is crucial for the future of Iran.

Footnotes:

1- Anything dirty and disorganized…

2- The American sociologist is one of the influential theorists in the field of social movement studies.

3- This rule in the field of social sciences means that when problems arise in a society, if they are not solved, they will exacerbate other issues.

The second half of 1398 (2019), both in terms of the number of significant political and social events and their importance, is one of the most eventful periods in contemporary Iranian history. The catastrophic decision of the government to suddenly increase the price of gasoline, widespread protests in over one hundred cities in the country against the price hike, and the brutal and savage suppression of these protests, which resulted in the death and injury of hundreds of protesters, the assassination of Qasem Soleimani in Iraq by the US military, Iran’s reaction with a missile attack on a US military base in Iraq, and finally the downing of a Ukrainian plane with two missiles by the IRGC, are some of the key events that explain what happened in Iran during the second half of 1398. By the end of 1398, the political atmosphere in Iran was marked by a deep and serious imbalance of power and social unrest, which was in stark contrast to the beginning of the year.

The consequence of these major events, in the political and social sphere of Iran, was the accumulation of dissatisfaction and the deepening of the gap between the government and the people; especially since in the protests of 1398 – unlike other protests in the past forty years – none of the factions of the government showed support for the protesters. After the November protests and the downing of the Ukrainian plane, various sectors of Iranian society found themselves in complete confrontation with the government. In a short period of time, the gap between the people and the government reached its deepest point and as a result, Iran became pregnant with immense and profound changes.

This heated situation, in the short term, not only did not provide the possibility for another protest movement to arise and transform, but it also did not turn into an additional political advantage for organizing protests. The global coronavirus pandemic, since mid-February 2020, has disrupted the social life of Iran, like other countries in the world, and as an external factor beyond the will of everyone, has imposed calm on social and political movements in the country. During the coronavirus period, the whole world was facing a special situation, and due to quarantines and restrictions on movement, calm and lack of mobility can be considered as its most important characteristics.

Among these, the university became one of the first victims of the coronavirus. The vast and widespread network of universities in the country, during the protests of December 2017 and November 2019, acted as the nervous system of the protests, providing a platform for the spread of protests to different parts of the country. The widespread arrests of students, heavy and lengthy prison sentences, and the deprivation of the right to education for a considerable number of students, prevented universities from fulfilling this important role, as the executors of this role were not only active and activist students, but also a significant part of the student movement. In such a situation, the coronavirus, at least in terms of providing the possibility of closing universities for the government, was a fortunate historical event: universities and, consequently, the possibility of protest in the university space were quickly shut down.

The closure of universities gave the repressive regime an opportunity for a “quiet cultural revolution.” However, in the tragedy of the cultural revolution of 1359, the various factions of the current Islamic Republic – both in theory and in practice – had a significant presence and as a result, the cultural revolution was an achievement and a shared experience among the different factions of the government. They believed that with a few warnings and the closure of universities, the university space could be “purified” and the possibility of student protests could be suspended for a long time.

The only similarity between the cultural revolution and the closure of universities during the corona period was not the shutting down of university doors. Before anything else, during this period, a considerable number of university professors and students were expelled and suspended, and “pure” professors were replaced by experts. Part of the remaining cases from the years 1396 and 1398 were executed for the suspension and expulsion of students using the living space in student protests. In addition, a considerable number of critical professors were banned from teaching at the university under titles such as buyback, end of contract, and retirement. The “forced privatization” in the university space, which had started as a widespread wave in the early 90s, reached its maximum during the corona period. The Ministry of Science, as much as possible, sold welfare facilities and university space. At the same time, due to corona restrictions and the absence of students, the activities of journals and student guild councils were also affected. In

However, the suspension of university activities has caused a disruption in the connection between different generations of active students. A significant number of university applicants from 2019 to 2022 had lost the chance to attend university and connect with student organizations, institutions, and activists. Therefore, in October 2022, about three-fourths of students, despite being enrolled, were “university-blind” and had no contact or connection with previous generations upon entering university.

Holding the 1400 elections, within the framework of the “cleansing of the system” ideology, also increased the desire to pressure universities among the rulers. Specifically, from the time of the 1400 presidential elections, which led to the presidency of Ebrahim Raisi, until the full reopening of universities in 1401, a significant number of university professors were expelled following purification policies.

With these details, in the summer of 1401, guessing the situation of universities in the month of Mehr and with the return of universities to “normal” conditions was very difficult. On the one hand, the political excesses of 1398, the expulsion of professors and students, privatizations, and social unrest due to the intensification of compulsory hijab policies had created a great potential for university protests from the very first days of universities reopening. On the other hand, a large number of students were entering university for the first time and mentally there was no capacity for protests to occur.

According to the theoretical framework of Charles Tilly (2) in analyzing social movements, the background of these movements is formed by the combination of “political opportunities” and “resource mobilization”. In the summer of 1401 (2022), it was perceived that in the month of Mehr of the same year, for universities, regardless of the general situation of society, although there are political opportunities, there is no capacity for resource mobilization. As a result, the question was what the result of the interaction between great opportunities and weak resources, including human resources, would be. A question that, of course, received a groundbreaking answer.

The killing of Mahsa Amini, and the series of events that followed, where she sparked her own movement called “Women, Life, Freedom” in contemporary Iranian history, created grounds for universities to become important centers of the movement, relying on the resonance of opportunities and resources. The voice of Iranian women’s protests, the voice of solidarity among different sectors of society, and the voice of determination to change the current situation, echoed from one university to another and reached different regions of Iran. Universities, after the soft cultural revolution of Corona, returned in October 2022 as arenas of protest against the situation.

These protests were just another reason for the government’s repressive forces to attack the university. The attack, which began with the invasion of plainclothes forces into the university space and the beating of students, continued with the detention, expulsion, and suspension of students. After suppressing the “Women, Life, Freedom” movement and gathering various statistics, more than 4,000 students were detained, suspended, or expelled. During this time, more than 60 professors from various universities were also expelled or suspended in various ways. Purging universities was a priority for the repressive forces, which immediately began after the suppression of the movement.

After the end of street protests, the enforcement of the hijab in university environments intensified. Student organizations were partially shut down and a large portion of student newspapers, which were critical, were also shut down. “Continuous suppression” was a government project to continue the work of the university.

On the other hand, suppressing the protests of “women, life, freedom” was especially due to the fact that its victory, regardless of the reality of the scene, was postponed to “overthrowing” the Islamic Republic in the opposition political space, creating a wave of despair in protest movements. The 1401 students, in the short term and in front of their eyes, saw the emergence of a movement, its peak, the expulsion and suspension and arrest of friends, and ultimately the defeat of the movement. Therefore, it was natural for them to become desperate. The victorious face of the “women, life, freedom” movement, in its deep social effects, unfortunately, was not seen as necessary, and on the contrary, the face of its defeat in politics became a reality and became public.

The emergence of the “Women, Life, Freedom” movement was actually what forced the government to hand over power to the reformists after the still unclear helicopter crash of Ibrahim Raisi. In fact, the profound social effects of the “Women, Life, Freedom” movement sent a clear message to the rulers that they could no longer continue with their old ways. A change – even if small, limited, and insufficient – was put on the agenda and the president’s physicians became the new leaders.

Pressure and suppression in universities have been one of the main causes of the gap between the government and the people, especially during the “purification” period and the presidency of Rouhani. Therefore, any policy aimed at bridging this gap must also include the possibility of breathing in universities. This is something that seems to be included in the slogans of the new president. Physicians, not only in election slogans but also in post-election promises, have promised the return of expelled professors and students. Promises that the Ministry of Science has recently proposed an executive mechanism for. However, as long as these claims do not move from the level of slogans to the level of action, and do not include all students and professors, and as a result, do not provide the possibility of activity in student organizations, it will not heal anyone’s pain.

In addition, the expulsion of professors and students means burning the life, potential, and abilities of the elites of society. As a result, even if there is a reform and change in policies and the return of students and professors, compensating for the damages and healing the wounds of the university will require time and intervention. It is clear that the return of the university to the realm of political and social life is not immediately available and compensating for the burnt possibilities is not as simple as it seems.

In recent weeks, a significant number of expelled and suspended students have been reported to have carried out their sentences. These pressures do not send a positive message to students and university professors, especially during a government that claims to prioritize the moderation of the university environment. This is especially concerning as we are not in the era of Khatami and Rouhani, where the mindset of “two factions” and “extremist sabotage” can explain the shortcomings. If there is a change in the agenda, it is a decision of the government as a whole, and if this change is merely for show and ineffective, the opposition will still hold the government accountable for the current situation.

With the reopening of universities, educational environments and important measures for assessment of non-change, which will allow for changes to occur within society. If the university continues to decline and become more like a military barracks in recent years, it can be certain that the slogan of change and modification is not taken seriously. In recent years, the social situation, in connection with the limitation of universities, has turned academic environments in Iran into “one of the stages of administrative migration.” This is something that experts believe will have long-term negative effects. Therefore, the message is clear that the possibility of change is being provided not only for universities and educational environments, but also for students and professors, as the future of Iran is at risk.

Notes:

1- Anything dirty and disorganized…

2- The American sociologist and influential theorist in the field of social movement studies.

3- This rule in the field of social sciences means that when problems arise in a society, if they are not solved, they will exacerbate other problems.