Shirin Ebadi: The seminary does not have the competence to handle student affairs/ Panteha Bahrami

Posted on October 15, 2015July 10, 2024 by admin

Shirin Ebadi is one of the first female judges in Iran who, after the February 1979 revolution and the changes in the country’s political and social laws, was unable to continue her career as a judge. She is also the first and only Iranian to have received the Nobel Peace Prize. She is also known as one of the most prominent activists for women’s and children’s rights in Iran.

We asked Mrs. Abbadi if education, under the shadow of religion, is compatible with the principles of human rights and what are the consequences of ideological education for society?

He also mentions the freedom to choose religion, which is considered one of the fundamental principles of human rights, and says in the path of peace: “Ideological education is one of the most empty messages that we hear in this era.” He believes that “in the best case, a child should be familiar with different religions and ideologies so that when they reach the age of maturity, they can choose their own path with awareness.”

Exclusive interview with Ms. Ebadi in the monthly magazine “Khat-e-Solh” is coming soon.

Basically, what does the permanent collaboration between the Tehran Education and Training Department and the seminary field mean to you? Does it only lead to an increase in religious education or does it intend to establish a religious culture?

Both aspects have been the focus of government officials, and considering that religious institutions do not have expertise in education and only have knowledge and activities in a specific field, namely religious affairs, carrying out this task will not only fail to achieve their desired results, but in the long run, it will also lead to a decline in students’ academic performance.

In your opinion, does education under the shadow of religion fundamentally align or coordinate with the principles of human rights?

Good, one of the fundamental principles of human rights is freedom of religion, which should be respected even for individuals under the age of eighteen. On the other hand, the Convention on the Rights of the Child, which Iran is a signatory to, emphasizes respect for family traditions. Therefore, entrusting schools to religious institutions, which only teach a part of Islamic jurisprudence (Shia) and specialize in it, causes religious minorities such as Iranian Sunnis and other non-Islamic minorities such as Jews, Zoroastrians, Christians, and even Baha’is to be placed under teachings that are contrary to their family religion. This issue is also in conflict with the International Convention on the Rights of the Child and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.

While this issue is mandatory, there are two possible forms of coercion that may occur; one is overt and obvious, for example, cutting off someone’s privileges for converting to a different religion. The other dimension is hidden, meaning that someone is indoctrinated and brainwashed from childhood against their family’s religion and essentially forced to choose a path that they have been taught and inclined towards, which is also a form of spiritual coercion that is not acceptable in human rights.

Many officials and representatives in the Iranian parliament believe that education and upbringing should be fundamentally ideological. In your opinion, what are the consequences of ideological education in schools for society?

Ideological education and upbringing is one of the most content-less messages that I have heard in this era.

Subjects such as physics, chemistry, biology, and computer science can be ideological. Science is science. What can ultimately be ideological is one or two more subjects, which are fundamentally incorrect and should not be taught to children and adolescents with a specific ideology. Different religions, diverse beliefs, and various ideologies should be taught to students and they should be given the right to choose in the future.

Mrs. Abadi, we are faced with a situation where students are suffering from shortages such as lack of health education and various deprivations in terms of facilities. Do you think prioritizing the religious and spiritual aspects in schools should be seen as an educational initiative or a political move by the religious authorities? What do you think is the reason behind this movement?

If this plan is implemented, it will allocate a budget for education and training, which will create employment and income for a group of people, namely clergy, regardless of whether they have the necessary expertise in this matter. This, in fact, in addition to other disadvantages that I mentioned earlier, is considered a form of discrimination. In other words, in a country where we have graduates who have studied in primary and higher education schools and their expertise is only in the field of education and training for children and adolescents, but these individuals do not have enough jobs and the unemployment rate among them is high; now we prefer another group who do not have this expertise, which is a clear discrimination.

Do you think this is a political move or is it primarily for job creation?

Both for creating jobs and for creating satisfaction among those who consider themselves as a group; naturally, this plan has a political aspect and the issue is not just education.

The head of the collaboration committee for the field of education and training has claimed that investing in pre-school and primary education is the most sustainable investment that the field has been collaborating with education and training for years based on its educational mission. In your opinion, what kind of investment can the seminary field have on children, especially at this young age? Do you find this concerning?

The scientific field does not have the competence to handle pre-school educational matters; just as it does not have the competence to handle student affairs, and naturally entrusting the fate of children to individuals who lack expertise in this field and who are solely focused on education and upbringing from an ideological perspective, a type of ideology that they themselves believe in, will cause problems for future generations and I do not see this as beneficial.

Some religious minorities in Iran, such as Baha’is and Jews, face educational disadvantages due to their religious beliefs. Do you think the presence of clergy in schools, especially for minorities, makes their conditions more difficult?

Naturally, if this plan is implemented, as it will be carried out by Shia clerics, it will be more difficult for religious minorities such as Sunnis, Bahais, Jews, Christians, etc.

In many countries such as Germany, religious education is optional in schools. However, it is up to the parents to decide if their child can choose their own religion after reaching maturity. Do you think this model is acceptable?

As I mentioned, the best situation is for a child to become familiar with different religions and ideologies so that when they reach maturity, they can choose their own path and method with awareness.

Do you support the proposal to ban or make optional religious education in public schools in Iran?

In my opinion, this issue should be left to the parents’ choice; meaning these parents have a seven or eight-year-old child and they must decide whether this child should receive religious education or not. This is not the responsibility of the government and it is not within their authority; rather, it is part of the upbringing and education that the family should provide for the child.

In my opinion, all religions and even socialism should be taught to children in the same way. Instead of prohibiting them from knowing anything and growing up in ignorance, we should introduce them to different aspects of religions and ideologies, including Buddhism, Hinduism, Abrahamic religions, and even atheism. Children should be aware of the various reasons behind different beliefs so that they can make proper judgments. Otherwise, if we keep them in ignorance and say that no religion should be taught to them, it is not right for them to make any choices in the future because they do not know anything. So, as I mentioned, while we should teach them about divine religions, we should also teach them about religions and ideologies that do not believe in the existence of God. In summary, all ideologies should be taught to children during their years of education so that they can make informed choices based on what they like and what makes sense to them.

Therefore, once again in religious families, religious children will grow up because their parents believe that their children should receive religious teachings and ultimately the child will not have the choice to choose their religion.

In any case, a child, whether willingly or unwillingly, is influenced by their family; meaning that a child who grows up in a fundamentalist family will naturally have different thoughts than a child who grows up in an atheist family. Essentially, a child who has been taught from a young age that there is no God will have different ways of thinking than a child who wakes up every morning to the sound of the call to prayer or church bells. This issue exists, but as long as children are under the care of their families and are raised by them, it is not possible or practical to pass a law in a country that would prohibit families from teaching these matters to their children. This is why even in European countries, you do not see such prohibitions; there is no law in Germany that would prevent families from teaching religious education at home to their children.

Thank you for the time you have given to the peace line.

Former Parliament Representative: The policy of increasing the Muslim population is on the agenda / Mostafa Rahmani

Posted on October 15, 2015July 10, 2024 by admin

Based on the latest statistical information obtained from the 1390 census, the Ministry of Health announced that “the overall fertility rate has reached 1.8 and it is necessary to increase it to at least 2.1 in order to prevent negative population growth, by creating various facilities and with the shortest possible time interval.” The installation of large billboards in the city of Tehran, prevention of condom imports as a luxury and non-essential item, and the production and distribution of programs that have recently been more seriously pursued by state media, all indicate that a population growth policy is being pursued; while the Islamic Consultative Assembly has also recently approved a plan to punish abortion, vasectomy, and promoting having fewer children. The plan to increase the fertility rate and prevent population decline has four articles, the first of which prohibits all actions related to abortion, sterilization such as vasectomy, tubectomy, and any advertising related to limiting births and reducing fertility, and anyone who commits such acts will be

Despite the fact that family planning programs have been present for more than half a century at a global level, and that today approximately 85% of developed countries and nearly 95% of their populations support family planning services, unfortunately only half of women in developing countries have access to this knowledge. According to experts in the field of healthcare, family planning and population programs are not limited to controlling fertility in women, but also include important aspects such as health, social, economic, legal, psychological, and more. One of the goals of family planning programs is to empower families to make informed and responsible decisions about the number and spacing of their children. Increasing awareness in society about the impact of unintended and risky pregnancies on the health of mothers and children leads to improved family and ultimately societal health.

In this issue of the monthly magazine “Khat-e-Solh”, we have gone to Akbar Ranjbarzadeh, former representative of the Islamic Consultative Assembly, to inquire about the amount of health share in the government budget and the reasons for population growth policies from his perspective as an official.

The second vice-president of the Health and Treatment Commission in the eighth parliament, in an interview with the peace line, while emphasizing that the policy of increasing the population, with the leadership of the Islamic Republic system, has been placed on the agenda of all institutions for the increase of the Muslim population, believes that those who act against these policies should be pursued…

Mr. Ranjbarzadeh, as the first question and considering your previous presence in the Islamic Consultative Assembly, please explain how much of the government’s budget is allocated to healthcare and to what extent do officials prioritize the issue of healthcare and treatment in the country?

The budget amount, for example in the year 92, was around 13 trillion and 200 billion tomans. There is a law that was included in the Fifth Development Plan, which states that 10% of the resources from targeted subsidies should be allocated to the Ministry of Health and Medical Education for the purpose of health. Naturally, the Ministry of Health and Medical Education prioritizes health first and then treatment; this itself shows the importance of the matter. The Ministry of Health and Medical Education is striving to distribute these resources fairly and achieve the satisfaction of the whole society. Fortunately, the esteemed Leader has also given priority to health this year and both the government and the parliament have paid serious attention to health. We hope that with good management from the responsible officials of the Ministry of Health and Medical Education, we will see a decrease in people’s concerns about health and medical matters and the burden on people’s pockets will decrease. We hope to see a reversal of the current situation, where we have

Do you think this budget allocation is sufficient for healthcare?

The reality is that the health of society is facing challenges and fundamental problems that require a collective effort and determination from those involved in the field of health. We cannot simply say that financial resources can cover all the problems. We must plan for how to manage these resources, distribute them fairly, and prioritize them for health. These are issues that, with the same financial resources, can be effectively addressed. To reduce concerns, both doctors and all those involved in health matters must work together. They must help to reduce the burden on people’s pockets and ensure that the necessary facilities, equipment, and human resources are available and accessible to the public. Therefore, we cannot say that the problems will be minimized with the same resources, but if all those responsible for health matters work hand in hand, plan and manage, it is hoped that these resources will, God willing, solve a significant portion of society’s problems.

Last year in Esfand, the Minister of Health announced a budget deficit of 6 trillion tomans from the previous government. What is the government’s plan and the Parliament’s Health Commission’s plan in this regard?

I have no information about the extent of the government’s budget deficit; this is a figure that the Minister of Health has announced. We have seen such things before, and we have had budget deficits in the past, 2 trillion, 3 trillion, more or less. In fact, the country and the government’s priority among different ministries was not health. But this year, with the emphasis of the Supreme Leader on the issue of health, special attention has been paid to health. In total, if that budget deficit has been transferred, well, it will consume a huge portion of the credits and naturally, it is possible to minimize the problems in this year and therefore we must wait for the coming years.

The head of the parliament requested the head of the budget reconciliation commission to address the issue of ambiguity in the health budget. What were the ambiguities and what actions have been taken in this regard so far?

The same recommendation and emphasis of the head of the parliament to the head of the reconciliation commission of the parliament is in line with the emphasis of the esteemed leader that they should pay special attention to the health and make it a priority in the national budget of the country. The parliament has responded to this and in my opinion, they have allocated the necessary budget for health, but we must also make up for the budget deficit. We must also manage the other part so that it does not lead to paying from the people’s pockets or unnecessary and uncontrolled expenses in the private sector. In other words, we must strengthen the government sector. If these funds are spent towards the private sector, in my opinion, the problems will still remain. No matter how much budget we inject, the problems will still remain. Therefore, government hospitals and primary health care services in these institutions must be strengthened and the Ministry of Health and Medical Education must provide satisfactory services so that people can trust them and also be less affected by

“Health protector (condom) has been banned from being imported into the country since November 2012, as one of the “non-essential and luxury” goods, with the approval of the previous government. What is the current government’s policy in this regard and why is such a product considered non-essential?”

See, the main policies of the system, approved by the parliament and decisions of the government, are focused on implementing population growth policies. Therefore, all those who are present in executive institutions must act in accordance with the relevant laws and policies, and those who are in opposition or act against these policies, in my opinion, are acting against the interests of the society and should be pursued and monitored more closely by the Ministry of Health. In any case, it is the duty of the Ministry of Health and a portion of the proposed government budget, which I believe was 600 billion tomans, has been allocated to population policies and monitoring and control in this regard, which can be of great importance.

So do you think this product is unnecessary? While some people believe that the quality of Iranian hygiene products is not as good as foreign ones and is not reliable, the reality is that they are either not available in the market or are sold at exorbitant prices. What is your explanation for this?

See, we are being sanctioned by so-called cowardly countries, so we must pay more attention to domestic goods. Every Iranian who has Iranian dignity in them, as much as possible, must use Iranian facilities, equipment, and goods that are consumable. Therefore, all those involved and supervisors must either take more serious action and have a greater presence, or not allow the entry of foreign version goods. In my belief, these are at least actions that every Iranian must take and that government officials must pay attention to.

The ban is in line with population growth policies and in any case, domestic production is available to the extent necessary. Therefore, importing this product is not necessary; of course, the fact that its quality is not like foreign goods is another issue that should be considered. Keep in mind that pursuing specific methods to reduce the population is considered contrary to these policies.

You stated that these actions are being taken in line with the policy of increasing the population. In your opinion, why do officials primarily focus on persuading citizens to have children?

In the end, we must accept that we are Muslims and have a duty to follow the teachings of Islam in order to increase the Muslim population. Birth and population policies should also be culturally promoted and other ways must be found to strengthen the cultural foundation for population policies. Media outlets, various media, newspapers, and all media owners and those who have a platform must also contribute to this cause.

The reality is that for a while, the issue of population growth had become a problem and was considered a negative point in people’s lives. But we must break this cycle. We must follow ways to encourage people with children and support them, both as individuals and as a society, and as responsible officials. Therefore, those in charge of health must consider themselves responsible. When I was in parliament discussing the budget bill, we were trying to allocate a portion of the budget to universities and educators. Why? We wanted to mobilize all teachers to see the necessary and sufficient education to encourage and promote population growth.

But this did not happen. As I mentioned, cultural awareness is very, very important and both the government and all executive bodies must support the policy of increasing the population, obey the orders of the Supreme Leader and take action in the field. Those who move in this path should eventually see its reward and create a sense of security for increasing their children. In my opinion, it is suggested that a part of computer targeting be allocated to securing the future of those whose number of children is more than two; that is, an executive guarantee for providing housing, marriage, and various other issues. There should be incentive ways for people to take steps in this path. These are ultimately other issues that can be addressed in the parliament.

You almost answered my next question; I wanted to ask, will families who have economic problems face difficulties in this population increase policy and not only, for example, is health protection not a luxury item for them, but it plays a vital role…

Yes, the government and parliament should allocate a portion of the subsidies for providing housing for families with more than two children, for example, to ensure their continued livelihood. This should be done at an average level, until they reach the age of employment and can earn their own income. This is necessary for the country. The lack of population growth has been a major problem for the country and fortunately, we have now woken up from this neglect and the policy of increasing the Muslim population is on the agenda. God provides sustenance, but government and parliament planning is also necessary. They should allocate a portion of God’s given resources to address the concerns of families with more children.

Do you have statistics on the number of AIDS patients in Iran? And what is your opinion on the impact of banning the import of sanitary products on the spread of this disease?

For this issue as well, cultural recommendation seems to be one of the solutions in my opinion. Cultural awareness and necessary education should be at a national level. The work that is currently being done is sporadic and not widespread enough. In my opinion, it should be much more widespread; this is about cultural awareness. However, there should also be some minimums for high-risk individuals. For example, we say that for heroin addicts, it is appropriate to have access to methadone and other medications to avoid the harms, such as injection sites and other issues that can transmit HIV. Now, for this high-risk sexual group, there should also be some [health protection] available to them, but it should not harm the population growth policy.

One last question; Mr. Ranjbarzadeh recently passed a bill in parliament that bans vasectomy in Iran. If it is approved in the open session of parliament, those who perform abortion, vasectomy, and any kind of promotion of limiting births and reducing children will be punished. What are your thoughts on this matter?

I do not agree with vasectomy, it is something that can be done, but the more important issue is abortion, which unfortunately we also have now. We see people who change their minds with personal guidance. Counseling centers should be established; a counseling center for population growth for fathers and mothers. A few days ago, a father called me and said he was worried. I want to abort our child. I asked why? I asked for a telephone explanation from him. He was a little worried that his child might be defective because he was sick himself. Finally, with the explanations I gave him, he was convinced to keep his child and not to enter this danger and this great sin. Therefore, with the establishment of counseling centers, doctors should be obliged and obligated to refer cases of abortion to counseling centers.

It is possible that some may resort to such actions due to economic issues. They should be supported by the authorities of each province and guided to counseling centers, where they can be provided with economic security and receive free medical treatment. Therefore, the concerns of those who may consider such actions due to their problems and difficulties can easily be addressed. With guidance and counseling, and minimal support, thousands of people, or even more, can be dissuaded from pursuing abortion. Abortion rates in Iran are very high and this issue requires more planning. Vasectomy is something that must be done and should be dealt with separately. But more importantly, there should be planning for the issue of abortion and they can be successful here. They can establish places, have a room, provide guidance, and support, and say that if you want to have an abortion, you will be supported until this stage. They may need medical support, such as ultrasound and free deliveries. Making all of these available to them, in

Thank you for giving us your time.

“To live” is the right of every human being to have a conversation with Dr. Kamyar Alaei/Delbar Tavakoli.

Posted on October 15, 2015July 10, 2024 by admin

Every year on April 7th, in different countries around the world, a celebration is held to commemorate World Health Day. Additionally, each year, the World Health Organization announces a specific theme or slogan based on global health priorities and concerns. “Small organisms, big threat.”

It is a slogan announced by the World Health Organization in April 2014 to draw countries’ attention to the prevention of diseases transmitted by vectors.

In Iran, every year, along with this important event, the Ministry of Health and Medical Education also holds “Health Week” in various sectors. But the trend of health indicators in Iran, is the subject of discussion in this issue of “Peace Line” with Dr. Kamyar Alaei.

The researcher is from Harvard University and is an international health expert who is coming to pursue his work.

It should be mentioned that this international health expert is accompanied by his brother, Dr. Arash Alaei.

“من می‌خواهم بهترین ورژن خودم باشم”

“I want to be the best version of myself”

The founders of the “Triangle Clinics” program are responsible for preventing the spread of AIDS in Iran.

Dr. Alaei, as you know, every year in Iran, “Health Week” is held simultaneously with World Health Day. Please tell us, in the World Health Organization’s ranking, what is Iran’s position in terms of health, and overall, what is your evaluation of the level of health and well-being in the country?

Iran has different rankings in various areas of health and hygiene. Each indicator has a score and a specific indicator is defined for each disease. For example, Iran has a ranking of “one” in terms of drug consumption, with 3.7 million people in Iran using drugs, and a score of 67 in cigarette consumption. However, it does not have a high ranking in terms of HIV prevalence, as the spread of AIDS in the overall society is not as widespread.

In terms of access to sanitation, among 130 countries, Iran ranks 22nd. I must say that in some indicators, the Iranian health network has a good status, although part of it goes back to a plan that was established 30 years ago. In the Iran-Afghanistan region, there were two pilot projects, which unfortunately were stopped in Afghanistan due to continuous wars, but continued in Iran. We can see that even rural areas in Iran now have access to health centers.

We have 30,000 health houses in Iran, with two people present in each health house. (In most cases, these two people are a couple). We also have 60,000 “Behvarz” (community health workers) and rural health centers where there is always a midwife and a doctor present.

On the other hand, the medical and free medical education system is such that we know medical students must go to rural areas at the end of their course and at the beginning of their official work.

In rural health centers, primary services are provided to patients and if necessary, secondary services are also available. If needed, patients are transferred to hospitals for treatment. The “Support for Mother and Child” program was also implemented in Iran, which has reduced the mortality rate of children.

The “Oral and Dental Health Control” disease and school health education have been successful.

However, in the cultural index section, there are weaknesses, and there is no specific system for preventing infectious diseases.

The population system of Iran from the 1960s to the early 1970s, meaning the year 1373, has been on a growing trend and now the majority of the country’s population is made up of young people aged 20 to 30. In fact, 70% of Iran’s population is under the age of 35 and on the other hand, the age of marriage has also increased. Between the age of puberty, which starts at 15 years old, and 35 years old, these individuals are at risk of engaging in unprotected sexual behaviors.

On the other hand, necessary education for preventing sexually transmitted diseases is not widely available; even parents do not talk to their children about this issue and this young population is at risk of contracting infectious diseases. Diseases that can lead to infertility and HIV infection.

Of course, we still have regional diseases such as “malaria” in southeastern Iran.

As you know, this year the World Health Organization’s slogan was announced on April 7th as “Small Bite, Big Threat” and the Ministry of Health and Medical Education objected that the World Health Organization ignored countries like Iran in choosing this slogan and it applies to African countries. On what basis are these slogans chosen?

The World Health Organization has more than 200 member countries and there may be a common disease in every region and country. Of course, the slogan chosen may not be true for a particular country and it is natural for this organization to show attention to a country in choosing a slogan every year.

“Malaria” is at the top of the list of diseases transmitted by mosquitoes, which claims the lives of over 650,000 people annually.

Although “malaria” is a controllable disease, the United Nations wants to say that it is not receiving enough attention and has dedicated the slogan of 2014 to it in order to prevent better prevention of this disease and attract more attention from countries to this issue. On the other hand, this slogan is from the United Nations, which says: Think globally, act regionally.

The topic varies in different regions of Iran. Currently, the issue of access to clean water in Iran is being discussed for the next 5 years. This is because our country is located in a semi-arid region and is also exposed to changes in the ecosystem.

The border regions of the country are bordered by Zabol with Afghanistan and Lake Hamun, which is facing drought. We also have drought in Lake Urmia and on the other side, we have a border with Iraq. Now, the dust and sand storms from the Arabian region have also affected the southern part of the country. In Tehran, we are witnessing air pollution.

I emphasize that access to clean water is a critical crisis facing our country, part of which is due to the improper use of water by the people and part is due to the wrong policies of officials and lack of investment. In some countries, they desalinate seawater to address this water crisis. I believe that the next war between countries may be over access to water resources.

“One lifetime of health with self-care” is the slogan for this year’s Health Week in Iran. In your opinion, how can this slogan be implemented in society and which institution or organization is responsible for it?

For the discussion of health, responsibility does not solely fall on one organization or the Ministry of Health. Rather, various government organizations and institutions, such as the Ministry of Health, Higher Education, Judiciary, Prison Health, Anti-Drug Headquarters, Ministry of Welfare, and all individuals are responsible. Non-governmental organizations, such as the Red Crescent and the Imam Relief Committee, are also responsible, as well as the private sector, such as private hospitals.

On the other hand, the family institution, which is the smallest institution in every society, also has responsibilities. I believe that in the discussion of “self-care”, everyone should start taking care of themselves and create a healthy environment and enjoy it.

We are witnessing that smoking has increased even among students, and it is not just the person who smokes who is at risk, but sometimes indirect exposure is even more dangerous; someone who does not smoke can also inhale cigarette smoke and one of the main reasons for lung cancer is secondhand smoke.

On the other hand, deaths and injuries caused by road accidents in Iran annually reach between 25,000 to 28,000 victims and result in over 100,000 disabilities, which are preventable. It is true that the Ministry of Roads has responsibilities in this regard, but people themselves must also follow traffic laws and regulations, and car manufacturers must also adhere to safety standards. Similarly, executive bodies such as traffic police and judicial institutions that have supervisory roles are responsible.

Waste management is also an issue and people should observe proper waste disposal and keep the environment cleaner. I mention these simple examples to emphasize that each individual should start with themselves.

But among all of this, the discussion of living happily is of great importance, and any activity that leads to a person’s happiness…

We talked about health and wellness indicators, please explain the definition of “health and wellness” (such as different types of physical and mental health).

According to the definition of the World Health Organization, health is not just the absence of illness, but also “the state of complete physical, mental, and social well-being.”

Currently, I see that depression and anxiety have become widespread in Iran and the issue of mental health needs to be taken seriously. Just as we go to a dentist for oral health, we should also go to a therapist for mental health, but this topic has not yet been addressed in Iranian society.

From the perspective of the United Nations, health is the most fundamental and essential right of every human being, and as a result of being human, every person has the right to enjoy good health.

Humans are entitled to full and equal rights based on human rights, regardless of their political views, and this applies regardless of age, religion, gender, or race.

Of course, you know that this year “National Environmental Health Day” was removed from the country’s calendar; how much does neglecting such matters affect the lack of development in environmental health culture?

I am surprised that despite the efforts made to include events in the national calendar, we are still witnessing such incidents. This also happened in regards to the “HIV” disease.

There are two perspectives to look at this: one is that the issue should not be limited to just one day and every day should be National Health Day, because humans should be healthy every day.

But one day, it is a symbolic day and different organizations interact with each other on that day and its placement on the national calendar causes different organizations to gather and exchange ideas and work between different agencies.

This removal of the sign indicates that giving importance to the issue of health has diminished among the country’s officials.

You and your brother have been working for years on preventing the spread of AIDS in Iran. Please explain the latest statistics on the growth rate of AIDS in Iran.

In Iran, 27,000 cases have been identified and reported so far, but the World Health Organization estimates that more than 100,000 people in Iran are living with HIV, meaning that over 73% of those affected are unaware of their condition and may be transmitting the virus to their spouse or infant. This is in contrast to other countries where approximately 20% of HIV-positive individuals are unaware of their status.

In America, this percentage has reached 73% to 20%, meaning 80% of those infected know they have contracted HIV.

90% of the infected individuals in Iran are men, which was previously 95% among men. This indicates that the prevalence of HIV in women in Iran has increased in recent years. Generally, the highest number of cases have been identified among the age groups of 25 to 45 in Iran.

New cases of HIV were identified from 2000 to 2005, showing an increasing trend. However, between 2006 and 2011, this trend decreased due to the government’s political approach towards the issue. This led to suspicious individuals avoiding seeking treatment, and on the other hand, the government announced that the spread of AIDS in the country had decreased. This was while the government’s security approach caused individuals to refrain from seeking identification.

I am happy that in the new government, there is a renewed anti-political and security approach to this issue.

Please explain about the clinic that you have established in America to help Iranians who do not have health insurance. What was the purpose of setting up this clinic?

8% of Iranians living in America do not have health insurance and 30% live below the poverty line. However, we have 10,000 Iranian doctors and psychiatrists in America and we have tried to introduce these two groups to each other. Therefore, before 2012, we spoke with Dr. Kavian Milani and some other Iranian doctors living in America to establish the “Health and Human Rights Center” in Virginia, which Dariusheghbali also supported us in this matter so that we could activate this group.

Now, in collaboration with the “Bita Daryabari Center”, we are launching other sections in Los Angeles. On the other hand, we have 20,000 refugees and Iranian asylum seekers in Turkey, 94% of whom do not have insurance. We have spoken with a network of psychologists to join our group and provide more services in the field of network counseling.

But the last question; please tell us what you see as the most important health issue in Iran and what is your solution to address it?

It is a difficult question, because there are problems that can be prevented and some that cannot be prevented.

Preventable factors such as environmental health and air pollution, as well as deaths caused by controllable road accidents, are responsible for the loss of 25,000 young and productive individuals annually.

The third topic is about heart diseases that can be prevented by following a proper diet and consulting a doctor.

We thank you for the opportunity you have given us to be featured in the monthly magazine of “Khat-e-Solh” (Line of Peace).

Hashem Tabarzadi: Mr. Rouhani wants to win the hearts of students/ Azar Taherabadi

Posted on October 15, 2015July 10, 2024 by admin

Heshmatollah Tabarzadi is a journalist who, especially with the establishment of the Iranian Democratic Front and his role as the editor-in-chief of publications such as “Payam-e Daneshju” and “Neday-e Daneshju”, became a well-known figure in the field of student activities. Mr. Tabarzadi has been temporarily arrested several times since 1995 due to his civil activities and has been sentenced to long-term imprisonment since 2000, with a total of more than 9 years of imprisonment on his record.

In this issue of the monthly magazine “Peace Line”, we have arranged an interview with Mr. Tabrizi, who is currently on leave, about the situation of the student movement in Iran and the fears and hopes of this movement. We have sought his opinions on this matter.

Dear Tabrizi, first of all, I would like to ask how do you evaluate the ups and downs of the student movement in Iran, and essentially, to what extent do you consider the student movement in our country to be influential in social developments?

See, the student movement in Iran has not been institutionalized as it should be, and there are many reasons for this. If we look back at history, from 1317 to 1320 when the University of Tehran was established by Reza Shah, these so-called student activities or the student movement took shape and began to work; especially in the 1330s, it shone brightly and reached its peak in 1332 when it led to the martyrdom of Mr. Razavi, Bozorgnia, and Ghanchi. These activities, or rather the movements for freedom in the university, continued to rise and fall until the time of the 1957 revolution. In fact, if we want to be fair, in 1956 when I myself was a student, it was this student movement that brought all matters to the stage of revolution and brought the people to the streets and alleys, and in accordance with the student movement, organizations, parties, and NGOs

Do you believe that after the revolution, with all the events that took place in the early years – by which I mean the Cultural Revolution and so on, in which you were involved – it can still be said that the student movement did not continue its activities?

In the early years, unfortunately, after the announcement of the Supreme Council of the Cultural Revolution and the arrest of numerous individuals, various left and democratic parties, unions, student activists, and suppressions, there was a slight decline in the activities of the student movement, but this movement never stopped. Before and after the revolution, due to suppressions from both ruling powers, obstacles were encountered in the student movement and its goals, causing ups and downs along the way, but it never stopped or stood still. I believe that if the student movement had not faced all these suppressive waves, both before and after the revolution, it would have performed much better.

Despite the suppressions that you mentioned, don’t you think that the student movement has had a strong overall performance as expected? Some have even talked about the death of the student movement.

See, as I mentioned, the student movement has always faced suppression since its inception. Now, these suppressions have had both intensity and weakness, and these intensities and sometimes calmness have caused ups and downs in the student movement. Essentially, in my opinion, the student movement has had a goal throughout its history and has had two important characteristics. One: it has always acted democratically, and two: it has always sought freedom for all levels of society. These two characteristics are enough for this movement to always have a smoldering fire under the ashes and with the smallest spark, the opportunity to flare up and show its hot activities.

In any case, it seems impossible to me for the student movement to die; perhaps it may experience a period of weakness or stagnation, but it will never die. You have seen that even during Ahmadinejad’s government, which was the worst period for this movement and the atmosphere was suffocating for any kind of activity, and despite all the suppression and issues that arose for most active students, this movement continued its work. The pursuit of freedom is ingrained in the essence of the student movement and rest assured, it will never die.

So, with this calculation, you evaluate the performance of the student movement in recent years positively…

See, considering the suppressions and issues that especially during the 8-year period of Ahmadinejad’s government, the Iranian society has been struggling with, if we want to look at the situation objectively, this has been the worst period for the student movement. With all the arrests, closures, and stardom of students that reached its peak in 2009 and continues to this day, the student movement is currently unable to have a significant impact. In my opinion, at this point, we can only say that student organizations and the student movement in general should have a vanguard attitude and then manage the situation with the help of parties, organizations, NGOs, and other intellectuals.

“Talk of students becoming stars emerged; the name of Mr. Tofiqi, who became the head of the Ministry of Science, was proposed as the Minister of Science before the swearing-in ceremony of Hassan Rouhani, and he was supposed to be chosen as the head of this ministry, but ultimately it did not happen. As you know, Jafar Tofiqi was in charge of the Ministry of Science during the second term of President Khatami, after Mostafa Moein, and some students support him… Do you think Mr. Rouhani is committed to his obligations towards students?”

See, Mr. Rouhani’s government is a government of agents, or rather the cabinet of Hashemi Rafsanjani, but with an updated version. If you pay close attention, you’ll see that the ministers of this government are the same ones who were in his cabinet. In fact, they are experienced and seasoned ministers, but with a new and more democratic approach. This government’s advantage is that it is not the government of Ahmadinejad. To be honest, I didn’t have much hope for this government from the beginning, but now I see that there is no sign of that intense and harsh security atmosphere that existed in the ninth and tenth governments; not that it doesn’t exist, but it is less. Rouhani is trying to win the hearts of the people and even the students, to the extent that he goes to the University of Tehran and speaks openly about their freedom, or talks about world peace in the United Nations General Assembly and calls for a world free of war

Given these circumstances, do you have a positive view on the fulfillment of student demands in Mr. Rouhani’s government?

From my perspective, considering the current issues in Iran and the situation that has arisen both domestically and internationally with the election of Mr. Rouhani, it is time for this matter to be resolved and for the student movement to overcome its fears and have hope to achieve its demands.

Thank you for the opportunity you have given us in the Khatt-e-Solh magazine…

Dr. Ali Akbar Mahdi: Public welfare is a necessary consideration in political matters/ Panteha Bahrami

Posted on October 15, 2015July 10, 2024 by admin

In this issue of the Peace Line magazine, we went to Dr. Ali Akbar Mahdi, a sociology professor at the University of California, Los Angeles, to seek his opinions on the obstacles to development in Iran. Dr. Mahdi has published over a hundred articles and critiques in both Persian and English in various specialized and non-specialized publications on sociology, the Middle East, and Iran. He has also published three books in English, including “Sociology in Iran,” “Youth in the Middle East,” and “Culture and Traditions of Iran.” He has also published two books in Persian, “Iranian Culture, Civil Society, and the Concern for Democracy” and “In the Sociology of the Iranian Family.”

Dr. Mehdi believes that “human rights have a direct relationship with economic development. In any society, the right to work and social security become meaningful when the economic foundation of the society has sufficient growth for entrepreneurship and providing necessary economic and social securities for a dignified and healthy life.”

He considers dependence on oil as one of the biggest problems of Iran’s economy and says that one necessary way to eliminate barriers to economic development in Iran is to increase production.

Mr. Doctor Mehdi; Sociologists refer to the examination of power structure problems as obstacles to political development. In your opinion, what are the main obstacles to political development in a society like Iran?

Political development means the expansion of power structures in a way that allows different political groups in society to share power and contribute to the public participation of individuals in determining their own destiny, and also leads to its increase. Of course, this requires the establishment and expansion of necessary institutions that are related to political growth. Political development in Iran has its own conditions and can have its own specific forms in other countries. Even in a monarchy, you can have political development as long as there are public institutions such as parliament and independent judicial powers that can regulate power structures in a more participatory manner.

In Iran, today, this very issue exists. The existing structure of the Islamic Republic is based on both republicanism and Islam. The structure of republicanism in the Islamic Republic is essentially held hostage by its Islamic dimension, and if this structure of republicanism can expand and push back the Islamic structure and confine it to a smaller sphere, it will inevitably lead to political development. The extent and degree of this development depends on what expectations different groups have from it, or what their goal is in achieving it. For example, the reformists who are currently in power in Iran, or some of them who are recognized in the government, believe that they can expand the republican dimension of Iranian society and counter the monopolists and fundamentalists who have an interest in increasing the Islamic dimension of the system, and help promote republicanism and political development.

However, in general, the reality is that the structure of the Islamic Republic is a non-democratic structure that contains elements of democracy within itself. The democratic elements in this system are caught in the grip of religious and ideological elements that have a hierarchical structure and are absolutist. Many of its rules and regulations are not subject to negotiation, exchange, or compromise, which is customary in society. These laws are based on divine laws and are firmly rooted in them. Even representatives who are supposedly democratically elected by the people do not have the power to change these laws and any law passed by the parliament (we do not care how this parliament is elected and what structural problems it has), must go to the Guardian Council. The Guardian Council, based on laws that are not open to discussion or negotiation – at least for the parliament – determines whether these laws can be enacted and whether any development can occur.

In any case, a society in which political development can be achieved is a society that can have a strong government. This government allows for the rotation of power and gives political elites the opportunity to work. Independent legal institutions, separation of political powers in a way that each power can act as a brake on the motivations and ambitions of the other, and having a transformative and dynamic constitution that can establish, maintain, and continuously preserve citizens’ rights are necessary requirements. Additionally, political capability in national interests and safeguarding the country’s borders, maintaining public order, and, in other words, national sovereignty, as well as the transformation of the government into an impartial entity in political disputes between parties and political factions, are elements and factors that can help with political development in any situation.

Unfortunately, in the structure of the Islamic Republic, many of these elements that I mentioned either do not exist, or if they do exist, they are being implemented in a very incomplete and imperfect manner.

The three factors that are mentioned as absolute power reproduction factors are: concentration of power resources, social divisions (different ethnicities), and political culture. Do you also acknowledge the primacy of these factors or do you consider other factors to be involved as well? If possible, please explain these factors and how they function.

See, in the current political structure in Iran, the absolute power is mostly derived from our past political culture and the long-standing institutions of absolute power that have existed. We are, in any case, the heirs of a long-standing monarchy in our history and this institution has never been separated from our society. Despite the fact that we have a republic today, at the head of this republic sits a person called the Supreme Leader who, in addition to similarities, may even have more power than previous kings and there is no force in society that can limit him. In the past, during various periods of political tension between power centers in Iran, religion itself was at least one of the necessary brakes or checks on the power of the ruling government or state and if it did not cooperate, it would be in conflict with it and try to question this absolute power and not give its legitimacy to the government as a religion, weakening it. This is essentially what happened during the Pahlavi era. The Pahl

There is no doubt that political culture is effective. Political culture is intertwined with the habits, attitudes, and characteristics of the people and society. If this culture is not democratic and is driven by authoritarian motives or unequal distribution of power and decision-making, it will continue to reproduce itself. Since Iranian society is a patriarchal society, the behavior of patriarchs has been repeated in our families in the form of small kings, and in our culture, older and white-bearded individuals have always played a prominent role. This culture repeats itself at different levels, whether in ethnicity, family, or locality. When this structure was broken by the revolution, it reappeared in a different form, with a new cover as the Supreme Leader and as someone who can be the collective mind of society and has the ability to create balance in society.

And as for the third factor that you mentioned, social diversity in Iran… See, today we have many multi-ethnic and multi-cultural societies in the world, which are also democratic, and on the contrary, we also have societies that are mono-cultural, but have authoritarian structures or still have them. If you look at Saudi Arabia, it is almost a society that is uniform in terms of population and ethnicity. All countries in the Persian Gulf region – except for the issue of immigrants – their citizens are almost uniform in terms of ethnicity and Arab. But we also have Japan, which in the past operated based on absolute power and today is a democratic society; considering that the structure of the empire still exists in that society, but it practically has a dynamic and transforming democracy and political structure.

Therefore, social fragmentation does not necessarily mean it should be carried out with absolute power. In our non-democratic and imperfect society, in a cultural structure where minorities, ethnic groups, and cultural diversity are terrifying for them and there is no necessary trust towards them; inherently, absolute power judges and the main ruler for suppressing any kind of diverse and specific desires that could potentially disrupt the centralization and stability of society, and different ethnicities are considered a negative thing.

Perhaps in the cultural and historical context of some societies, it has become a pattern that the people of our society cannot stand on their own feet without a dictator at the helm. I knew a person who used to say before the fall of Saddam Hussein that Iraq would collapse without him. We Iraqis know ourselves, we have the issue of Shia and Sunni, the issue of Arab and non-Arab, and our society cannot stand on its own feet. He believed that their political culture had not changed and therefore they always wanted someone with absolute power who could keep everyone in their place and establish order; otherwise, people would tear each other apart! This person had forgotten that firstly, this culture has always existed there, and secondly, a democratic political structure has never been established there. In this very Iraq that we are currently witnessing, Kurdish groups have been able to create a relative order with a better situation for themselves. In any case, there are many political contradictions and diversity of political parties in that

You said to add other factors: two more, in my opinion, should be considered in relation to the issue of Iran and absolute power. One is the economic aspects of absolute power. Unfortunately, the presence of oil and the oil government in Iran have greatly helped in the absolutization of political power. On the other hand, there is also the issue of religion. The religious culture is a hierarchical culture and power within the religious culture – especially the Shiite religious culture – is very hierarchical and decision-making is top-down; so that a mujtahid is at the top and the followers are at the bottom and the decisions made from the top are separate from the general authority of the secular society. This culture inherently generates a form of absolutism and this is evident in the government after the revolution and you can see what role it has played in the absolutization of power in society. This is also one of the factors that should be mentioned.

Some sociologists consider economic development as a prerequisite for political development. What is your opinion on this? To what extent is economic development necessary for eliminating absolute power and obstacles to political development?

It depends on the circumstances of each society; that is, in response to this pattern that political development is more important or economic development, my answer is that economic development without political development does not help the complete growth of society. Coordinated and extensive growth is essentially growth that exists in all aspects of society, not just one aspect. However, on the other hand, the issue of priority or precedence of economic development over political development depends on the economic conditions and specific circumstances of a society. In a society where there is a lot of poverty and very limited resources, economic development is essentially a necessity that needs to be addressed before political development. In other words, a society that does not have schools, a society that has not yet been able to provide job opportunities, a society that does not have enough resources; the first condition for creating equal conditions and even creating political development there is that individuals have sufficient access to education and the necessary health and economic facilities, so that a public welfare can be created and

In more specific terms, in the language of sociologists, a society that has not yet developed a middle class needs one in order to fill political structures and make political demands. This middle class is the driving force for progress and development in any society; it desires a share of power and, as it grows, it desires an even greater share. However, until this middle class emerges in a society, the pace and intensity of political development will not reach its full potential, and if it does, it will be more top-down rather than bottom-up until pressure is created from the bottom.

Many societies in the Middle East, including our own in Iran during the Pahlavi era, were examples of attempting to create development from the top down in society, with a political development that was only authoritarian. Authoritarian political development had brought all seemingly democratic institutions, while they were actually hollow from within. When the middle class emerged in Iran, they demanded political participation from the Pahlavi government, but were not willing to truly involve the middle class in those structures; even if they showed the same individuals in those structures, they did not give them the necessary power.

We have this same problem to some extent in the Islamic Republic today. There are some democratic institutions such as elections and parliament, but they do not have complete control. These institutions essentially have a superficial legal aspect and a real aspect… These are actually issues that harm the political structure of society and, in other words, the economic foundation of society plays a very determining role in whether we will achieve political development or not.

As you mentioned at the beginning of your talks, one of the main factors of political development is participation and competition. For example, according to labor laws, workers can have one of three labor organizations: Islamic councils, trade unions, and workers’ representatives or the Supreme Assembly of Representatives that has been formed. In addition, there are two labor political organizations such as Islamic associations and workers’ houses. However, in practice, whenever workers want to form their own independent organizations, they face suppression tools, such as the single company union or the workers of Haft Tapeh who have arrested some members of their board of directors. Therefore, although the tools and even laws exist on paper, the division of power and balance of power is not in favor of the majority of society and independent groups from the government. What do you think is the solution to this problem?

The problem is that we do not have a democratic structure in power. In order to become a representative, besides the initial conditions that must be present in any democratic structure, for example, you must be a follower of the Supreme Leader and also a prayer leader; these are not democratic conditions. They are dependent on a power and an absolute power in society, and if you do not want to be a follower and if you do not want to give in to the authority of that power, you will either be eliminated or if you have a presence in some dimensions of the power structure, such as labor institutions, guilds, etc., you will be like a handless scissors; meaning, you are apparently there, but when it comes to decisions that can challenge the power equations of society, you will face limitations.

The Islamic Republic government, in the face of many seemingly civil institutions that existed in society, has come and established their parallel Islamic institutions, while on the other hand, the existing institutions in civil society have not been able to take shape in a democratic environment. They must register with the government. If they want to hold protests or implement their own programs, they must go and obtain permission from the government. Well, this is not a civil institution anymore. A civil institution means a neighborhood, a group of professionals, or a part of society with a specific culture or interests, coming together to pursue their work. But in Iran, everything must be registered; registration is only necessary when ownership is involved or when the rights of others are at stake. In Iran, even the head of such an organization must be checked by the government and obtain a kind of license regarding their loyalty or submission to the government, and they are almost neutralized. These issues practically make the democratic society in Iran meaningless, and participation

The spread of poverty, especially in recent years in Iran, including the massive influx of children into the child labor scene, is a sign of the deep economic class differences in Iranian society. You may know that we have more than three million children who have dropped out of school. Although recent sanctions have exacerbated the situation, what are the mechanisms for removing barriers to economic development in a country like Iran, which relies solely on its oil-based economy?

What you are referring to is indicative of an unfair distribution of wealth, the spread of extreme poverty, increasing deprivation, and the weakening of economic opportunities for workers and lower classes of society. Therefore, one necessary solution to eliminate the obstacles to economic development in Iran is to increase production. Unfortunately, the shadow of the oil economy has been our biggest problem that must be addressed. Dependence on oil and oil revenue has essentially allowed the government to expand itself and impose itself on society. The government has even imposed itself on the private economic sector.

In order to reduce dependence on oil, economic monopolies in society must be lifted and healthy competition must be established so that these measures can lead to increased production in society, especially in non-oil production. If non-oil production is to grow and monopolies are to be eliminated, there must be transparency in the economic structure of Iran. The economic structure of Iran must be based on clear laws, rules, and regulations that everyone knows and can enter the economic field and compete based on them.

In the end, fair distribution of wealth and involving workers in the production of goods and in the development of society and motivation, not through coercion but through public participation in society and creating a culture of collaboration that puts the overall structure of society and the overall products of society in the hands of the community, rather than in the hands of monopolies and private sectors, can help economic development to grow in Iran.

You spoke about the importance of economic development in a country; that people should at least have access to public welfare in order to be able to then think about their own political issues. Considering the economic challenges and the spread of poverty in Iran, what do you know about the factors and ways to overcome this problem?

I am not an economist, but based on general information that I have, I recognize the economy of Iran as a sick economy and I can list seven components that solving them will help improve the economic situation. One: Iran’s economy is overly dependent on oil. Two: In recent years, the government has played a more destructive role than a positive one. In explaining this destruction, I must emphasize the mismanagement of the government, which has been one of the biggest problems and obstacles to economic development in Iran. Overall, government management has been more reliant on political motivations than development-oriented and national motivations. Given the complex political and economic structure of the Islamic Republic, non-responsible institutions, both publicly and covertly, have benefited from various government facilities for group goals, hindering the structure of production, trade, and free competition in the Iranian economy. Three: Lack of a long-term plan for national development, away from ideological goals and sectarian and factional interests. Four: Lack of effective and

In your opinion, have previous governments in Iran, especially the ninth and tenth governments under the leadership of Mr. Ahmadinejad, taken effective steps towards economic development? What were the dominant thoughts behind their economic plans and what criticisms do you have towards them? I ask this question because inflation and recession have been significantly evident in the country in recent years…

Unfortunately, the ninth and tenth governments were operating in a specific political atmosphere that severely hindered the necessary attention to sustainable national development. This government even dissolved the Planning Organization, which is one of the most important tools for coordinating between government facilities, resources, and planning for national development, in order to freely impose its political goals on an economy dependent on oil and massive income. These goals, which we have seen the disastrous consequences of in the cover-ups that occurred during these two periods, are becoming more familiar to us day by day through new information that comes to light. Unfortunately, these two periods, which coincided with the highest oil income in the history of Iran, were also accompanied by the biggest embezzlements in the history of Iran. In addition to the problems I mentioned in the previous question, we must also mention the growth of liquidity during Mr. Ahmadinejad’s tenure, which was one of the main causes of inflation. Reduction in production, growth of unemployment, brain drain and

As a final question, do you believe that economic development leads to the development of human rights in Iran? What is the relationship between these two concepts?

From a philosophical and theoretical perspective, human rights have a direct relationship with economic development. In any society, the right to work and social security become meaningful when the economic foundation of the society has sufficient growth for entrepreneurship and the necessary economic and social securities for a dignified and healthy life. A sick economy does not have the necessary resources to maintain and improve the economic well-being of individuals, nor the ability to create conditions that lead to such goals. On the other hand, it should be noted that the economic dimensions of human rights are inherently linked to the economic structures of society, and the provision or lack thereof of economic rights is not related to the ideology governing those structures. The motivation of a capitalist economy is primarily towards the growth of productive forces and the satisfaction of personal and private desires. In contrast, the motivation of a socialist economy is to even produce for the common good, let alone the motivation for investment and entrepreneurship. The former prioritizes individual rights over collective rights, while the latter prioritizes

With gratitude for the opportunity you have provided us with to reach a peace agreement…

Dr. Abbas Milani: The responsibility of sanctions lies on the shoulders of the Iranian government/ Simin Rouzgar

Posted on October 15, 2015July 19, 2024 by admin

Dr. Abbas Milani (Abbas Malekzadeh Milani), born in 1328, is a theorist, historian, and writer. Abbas Milani, who resides in California, is the director of Iranian Studies Program at Stanford University and one of the leaders of the Iran Democracy Project at the Hoover Institution.

Some of his books include “The Mystery of Hoveyda”, “Renewal and Anti-Renewal in Iran”, and “The Mystery of the Shah”, which have recently been translated and published in Persian.

When I contacted him for an interview about the peace talks, he was in the process of packing his bags for a trip to Europe. However, he kindly made time for me and answered my questions. Mr. Milani believes that any type of sanctions that harm the people should be opposed, but at the same time emphasizes that the incompetence and ignorance of the officials of the Islamic Republic of Iran gives the West the opportunity to impose such pressures on the people. He is a proponent of targeted sanctions against certain officials and managers in the Iranian government and believes that the scope of such sanctions should expand.

This contemporary theorist also talks about modernity and how with the triumph of modernity, which is essentially the victory of democracy and human rights in a country, a society is stripped of its skin. He admits that “the future of Iran is not determined by America and must not be determined by tyrants in power.”

Mr. Milan, Iran has been under heavy international sanctions for years, especially from the United States government. These sanctions have targeted Iran’s economy and have had a clear negative impact on the daily lives of Iranian people. With this brief introduction, please tell us whether these sanctions and the slowing down of economic development in Iran have a negative impact on the development of civil society in Iran.

Definitely, when the economic growth of society slows down, all aspects of society, including civil society, also slow down; but the main responsibility for the slow economic and civil growth of Iran, in my opinion, lies on the shoulders of the incompetence, corruption, and mismanagement of the regime. If they had acted according to their own laws of the Islamic Republic in these 8 years of Ahmadinejad’s rule, and spent the $700-800 billion in oil revenues properly, it would have put less pressure on both the economy and the growth of civil society in Iran… In short, it definitely has an impact, but the main responsibility, in my opinion, lies on the corruption, incompetence, and immorality of the unqualified and unethical managers who have been put in charge and, as they say themselves, it is not clear what disaster has befallen the $700-800 billion from the pockets of the Iranian people, which is 60% of the total capital

Okay, please explain, what is the relationship between economic development and improving the situation of civil society or promoting human rights in a country?

All the statistics I have seen, all the studies conducted in social sciences, sociology, and democratic theory have shown that the more educated a society is, the more active women are, and the more prominent their presence is in the social sphere, the higher the literacy rate and number of university graduates will be. The more middle-class individuals there are, the more desire, willingness, and ability for democracy will increase in that society. And if there are more economic resources in that society, all of these factors will be more attainable and better. That is why, on one hand, oil, as many have said, can be a curse for democracy, as it can turn governments from servants of the people into authoritarian rulers. But at the same time, it can also be an oil for democracy, if it is used to accelerate economic growth, literacy, and the inclusion of women in the workforce and in the social and educational spheres. If the government is competent and not anti-women or corrupt,

As we know, the government of Iran is not a government that has a defendable record in terms of respecting human rights and civil liberties. In your opinion, what choices do human rights defenders and civil society activists have in front of them that can improve the situation of Iranian citizens who are currently facing a more difficult economic situation due to sanctions and have not helped support or strengthen an authoritarian government in Iran?

I think that the choice is relatively simple. People should oppose any type of sanction that affects their daily lives, such as medicine and food. However, at the same time, I must always remind you that this incompetence, deceit, and lies are the regime’s fault. This gives the opportunity to America and other countries to put such pressures on the people, and this incompetence and strange choices of the regime make the pressures of these sanctions even more apparent to the people. In the past two or three months, as a result of the intensification of these sanctions, the pressures on the people have increased. The regime has given billions of dollars to Syria, as it claims, and openly and explicitly, and now it remains to be seen how much money it has given to Hezbollah and how much it helps them send thousands of forces to Syria and… This is what makes the situation worse.

In my opinion, human rights defenders should defend the right of people to live in a free and prosperous society. They should also hold responsibility, to the extent of their rights, for those who have caused this disaster and made Iran suffer from such a problem. If they do not consider these two aspects and do not hold the responsible officials accountable, and at the same time do not defend the people’s right to a comfortable life where their basic human rights are respected, they will either fall into extremism or negligence.

Many believe that forcing the Iranian government to adhere to human rights indirectly can also lead to resolving the nuclear dispute. In recent days, we have seen proposals addressed to the US Congress that, taking lessons from the Helsinki Commission’s experience during the Cold War and the Reagan administration, introduced human rights issues as a tool against the Soviet Union, which they claimed would strengthen the opposition against the Soviet Union. Now, it is necessary for the US Congress to link the issue of human rights to the Iranian nuclear issue and future sanctions, and in this way put pressure on the Iranian government to improve the human rights situation and accept international standards.

To what extent do you agree with the perspective that improving the human rights situation in Iran helps resolve nuclear disputes?

Unfortunately, I have to say that this opinion is not a new one. Some people say that it is a new opinion, but my colleague Michael McFaul, who is currently the US ambassador to Russia, and I, mentioned exactly (more or less) the same things you said in an article we published ten years ago in a monograph in a magazine. We said that the US should use a policy similar to Reagan’s policy towards the Soviet Union and that not negotiating with Iran is not the right policy. We should negotiate with Iran, but only negotiating about the nuclear program is falling into the trap of this regime. The West should accept and emphasize that while it does not have the right to interfere in Iran’s internal affairs and determine the next regime in Iran, the only issue with Iran is the nuclear issue; because firstly, emphasizing only one policy on the nuclear issue is wrong and secondly, it is an illusion. We should not create the illusion that if there is a compromise on

Do you think that introducing human rights issues into the topic of confrontation or negotiation between America and Iran is fundamentally feasible?

It is definitely possible. In my opinion, especially in the current situation where the ruling body, the Supreme Leader, and the Revolutionary Guards have realized that the policy of oppression and heat and the 8-year-long turmoil is not working, and understanding the necessity of retreat, they allowed for an election to take place. Although there were many flaws and the main candidates were not able to campaign, they allowed someone like Mr. Rouhani, who has more experience compared to others and seems to understand that the society of Iran will not be solved until issues of human rights, people’s freedoms, and gender equality are addressed, to become president. Now, every day they throw stones. Every day, Kayhan newspaper publishes an ugly article against human rights and humanity… They show the complexity of the situation…

In general, do you think the Iranian government has a desire to improve the human rights situation in this country?

See, the future of Iran is not determined by the Iranian regime. It is a delusion of the regime to think that they determine the future of Iran. You, the supporters of human rights, women, students, and activists fighting for their rights in factories, determine the future of Iran. The future of Iran is determined by those who publish books without the permission of the regime, those who fight against censorship in the fields of language, music, and theater, and the activists in the vast field of civil and human rights, and this cultural revolution that has taken place in Iran.

Mr. Larijani, who is he afraid of when he says that modernity has taken root everywhere? From Larijani to Masbah Yazdi, they all say that in the cultural arena, we have surrendered and, in their own words, have been taken over by modernity. When they say modernity has taken over, it means democracy, human rights, and women’s rights have been taken over, and in my opinion, they have been taken over. They themselves know and understand that their thoughts, rulings, and behavior have no buyers in society. Society has shed its skin. Society has changed. The regime cannot stop this gradual historical transformation that has been going on for 100 years and for which the people have been fighting for 35 years. Of course, it can delay it in the short term. With fire and sword and by using the Mortazavis, it can be delayed for a few months or even a few years. But their historical experience shows

For this reason, the future destiny of Iran is not determined by America, nor can it be determined by tyrants in power… I repeat, it is you, the defenders of human rights, the defenders of women’s rights, and the Iranian people who have organized this great revolution in the most competent and intelligent way, who will determine the destiny of Iran; not the desire of America, nor the desire of the oppressors.

Mr. Milan, please tell us to what extent do you consider the sanctions imposed on some officials and managers in the Iranian government, especially by the European Union, as an effective measure for the violation of human rights in recent years?

I think even personal sanctions against regime officials, perpetrators of massacres, and those responsible for arbitrary detentions should be expanded. Their assets should be seized through the courts so they understand that in the 21st century, simply being in a country does not give them the right to do whatever they want. Smart sanctions mean exactly this, putting pressure on the hot-headed and the oppressors, but actually giving strength to the people. If the people knew that every interrogator, every head interrogator, every person who has imprisoned the innocent, beaten and tortured them, and given orders to shoot, cannot leave the country or transfer their assets, they would gain even more strength. They would also understand their own accountability more and receive the message that the era of brute force and fear is over, and the era of human rights, democracy, equality of religions, genders, and minorities has arrived.

That is why I have always been a defender of the idea that those who violate human rights should be identified by name, carefully and patiently, and that their assets should be seized through legal means and their actions should be internationally recognized as crimes against human rights. Those who are likely to be involved in more serious crimes, such as mass killings in prisons, should be prohibited.

And as a final question, do officials in Iran actually give any importance to these sanctions?

They definitely care; if they didn’t care, they wouldn’t protest so much and try to fix it.

Thank you for providing this opportunity to the peace line.

Conversation with Darvish Dayik, the head of Iran Desk at Amnesty International/ Simin Roozgard

Posted on October 15, 2015July 19, 2024 by admin

Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch are two international non-governmental organizations that also operate in the field of Iran.

In this issue of the monthly magazine “Peace Line”, we have a conversation with Durrie Dyke, the Iran Desk Officer at Amnesty International and Faraz Sanei, a researcher on Iran affairs in the Middle East and North Africa section at Human Rights Watch, about the security of Iranian human rights defenders and the human rights situation in Iran.

In a detailed interview we had with Dari Dike, he stated that the understanding of authorities in Iran of international standards is limited and the fact that the government’s violent behavior and use of force have taken the place of dialogue within political and social frameworks is a sign that the government does not accept or recognize the expectations of the Iranian people. He also believes that human rights defenders are at risk because they challenge the ruling system with their questions.

Faraz Sanai also emphasizes that human rights defenders are at the forefront of the fight against injustice and discriminatory policies of governments. He says, “Despite the change in tone of the eleventh government compared to the previous one, the human rights situation in Iran has not fundamentally changed.”

Mr. Daik, who is essentially considered a human rights activist and what is the official definition of a human rights activist?

In brochure number 29 of the United Nations, there is talk about human rights defenders. One of the first things mentioned in the brochure about a human rights activist is that: “This is not a job.” A human rights activist can be anyone; a traveler, a lawyer, or a stay-at-home mother who spends most of her time at home with her children, anyone can be a human rights defender. In the framework of international understanding of human rights defenders, in my opinion, this is not a personal job. This work is not like that of a lawyer or someone who holds a specific position in a non-governmental organization. It can even be said that it does not require any special education, and even someone who is illiterate and defends the rights of others can be called a human rights activist. Similarly, a human rights activist can have any profession or be from any country…

Human rights activists, whom I have had the honor of knowing in the past, had a certain capacity and quality. They had a thirst for justice and a fundamental desire in their souls to establish justice. They believed in the idea of reflecting both justice and the fundamental desire for justice in their actions. Even if they were not very familiar with laws and standards, this goal of justice and desire held great importance for them.

Mr. Javad Larijani recently stated that the title of human rights defender is a fake title and we have nothing called human rights defender in the United Nations documents. What is your response to these statements?

Unfortunately, it seems that Mr. Larijani has limited familiarity and understanding of international standards. While he may have knowledge and understanding in Islamic jurisprudence, law, and principles, his statements regarding human rights defenders are indicative of his weakness in comprehending international concepts.

The High Commissioner for Refugees has published a brochure on human rights, a small booklet called Brochure No. 29, which provides sufficient information about human rights defenders and the criteria related to them.

We and our friends who are active in the field of human rights, and our friends who are active in Iran about human rights, have read this brochure. Most of them have sufficient knowledge about the concept, ideas, and principles of human rights.

I was researching about Mr. Larijani for a while. Two years ago, I personally tried to have a conversation with him in Geneva with one of my colleagues, but unfortunately I have to say that the people who were part of the Iranian delegation prevented us from getting close to him and having a conversation. They knew that we work for Amnesty International and they knew that our intention was to ask him a few questions in the form of an interview, but they used pressure and force to keep us away from him. My point in sharing this story is to show that unfortunately the use of force and such behaviors have taken the place of dialogue in Iran. This is a clear indication that the government does not accept or recognize the expectations of the Iranian people and does not even pretend to respect them or adhere to human rights. Unfortunately, Mr. Larijani and his colleagues are not aware of the expectations of the people and international human rights standards.

Do you have an accurate statistic of the number of human rights activists imprisoned in Iran, considering your presence in the International Amnesty Organization?

Good; there is no accurate statistics available, although there are estimated statistics.

Years ago, we decided to conduct accurate statistics, work, and research, but only estimates and guesses can be obtained and our information from cities like Isfahan, Bojnourd, Mashhad, Qazvin, and remote areas is very limited, so we cannot have accurate statistics; However, we do have statistics and the importance of human rights work in Iran is more related to symbolic cases. By symbolic cases, I mean cases like the case of Ms. Sotoudeh or Mehdi Khodaei, who are, of course, individuals, and other human rights activists who are or have been imprisoned. In any case, although our statistics may be small in number, the symbolic importance of these cases is mental and ethical.

Let me give you an example: For instance, if we want to compare, in America, the death penalty is carried out in various forms and the number of execution cases in this country is relatively high. Amnesty International is completely and 100% against the death penalty and we are all trying to oppose it, but we only address some of these cases symbolically and use the reality of these cases and examples to show the reality of the death penalty to the people of the world. For example, as human rights defenders, we symbolically reflect the case of someone who is being executed using an injection.

Iran is also in this situation; just like the case of Mrs. Stouda, where we are dealing with a very strong and emotional person and we are working actively. Perhaps the number of cases of students and lawyers who are trying to improve the level of laws and the quality of justice management in Iran, and we have access to it, may be small but they are very important. People like Mohammad Ali Dadkhah, Mohammad Seifzadeh, Shirin Ebadi, Mohammad Mostafaei, who are of course some of them are outside of Iran and some are under pressure and condemned. Of course, there are also young people whom I prefer not to mention….

The summary of these statistics is that they are not accurate. Even in the case of executions carried out, we can only approximate the minimum number of executions in Iran, but we emphasize that the actual number of executions is likely higher than these figures.

Please note that when we say we do not have accurate statistics of prisoners in Iran, it is not because the issue is unimportant. Any prisoner who has been imprisoned for their peaceful beliefs and behavior has been imprisoned against human rights standards and international norms, and it is important to us. The reason we do not hold campaigns for all of them is not because they are unimportant, but because due to limitations and limited resources, we are often unable to hold campaigns for all prisoners and instead choose symbolic cases to work on.

Why are human rights defenders at risk? Why should their demands be considered a threat to them?

In all parts of the world, human rights defenders are those who challenge the ruling system and raise important questions about the order of their country. If you have seen the movie “In the Name of the Father”, it tells the story of the arrest of a group of four in England, one of whom is a father and the other is his son. There was a lawyer who was in contact with political activists, and they organized a campaign to show the realities of the lives of the individuals in this case and the way the trial and human rights violations were carried out in English courts, and they made great efforts. They were anti-police and against the ruling system of England.

Regarding Iran, it is the same. Some students, lawyers, and union activists, such as those who are active in single-company unions (those who are active in unions, human rights activists), question the Iranian judicial system and the management of the ruling authorities; for example, they ask about the arrest of members of human rights defender groups, the basis for the arrest of a certain person, the lack of access to a lawyer and their family, and so on. These are important and fundamental questions that are raised about the management of the Iranian judicial system, and unfortunately, some governments, such as the Iranian government, do not want to answer these questions. Of course, these questions are left unanswered in the political dimension.

Human rights defenders have recognized their role in raising these questions according to international standards, and we must try to support them. Every government should also protect and support these activists.

Do governments have obligations towards ensuring the security of human rights defenders based on laws or international treaties?

My own experience is limited. I have a brief experience of Afghanistan, Iran, the Emirates, and Kuwait; I must say that these commitments exist, but unfortunately these countries do not act on them.

Of course, there are exceptions, but generally we must know that in Iran, familiarity with a human rights defender by the official authorities of the country is limited; they do not know, or better to say, they do not intend to have a better understanding of this issue. Therefore, their behavior towards human rights defenders in the country is bad.

In my country [Canada], some human rights activists choose a method that is in line with the four pillars of our country’s fundamental rights and expose human rights violations by the Canadian government, which goes against the fundamental rights of the people of our country; whether in British Columbia, Ontario, Quebec or other provinces, they raise difficult questions that hold the Canadian government accountable. Well, the same should be done in Iran. We must know that the Iranian judicial system has major and numerous flaws and this requires a great effort.

Nasrin Sotoudeh and other individuals who are trying to expose the violation of the execution order, or those who have raised many questions in recent years, including student activists and political activists after the 2009 elections, have been recognized by the Iranian judicial system as a threat and danger. However, they must know that these individuals are not a threat, and human rights activists are simply raising questions about the management of justice. In general, when a human rights defender raises criticism, they are thinking systematically and challenging a system, which is the only way to shed light on the ambiguities and weaknesses of a system. This is an important lesson for the officials of the Iranian government.

As you know, the government of Iran is a member of the United Nations Human Rights Council. However, it always views human rights and Iranian human rights activists as dependent on the Western world and deals with them from a security perspective. In your opinion, is this membership in the council and acceptance of its conventions and resolutions on one hand, and dealing with human rights activists on the other hand, not a contradiction? How does this contradiction manifest in the behavior of the Iranian government?

We, the people of the world, as human beings, have accepted an idea and representatives of every nation and people have also accepted it in the international system, which is a collective effort. We have accepted to participate in a common process (the United Nations) with any type of government, morality, religion, or race.

In the United Nations, we have both good and bad representatives. Representatives of dictator governments, countries with kings and queens, and democratic countries that abide by the law, all have become members of the United Nations. Some of the governments that are also members of the Human Rights Council have bad intentions. Some have a rule of law and some do not. In any case, we must be aware of this reality and maintain our peace in the face of them.

Of course, organizations like Amnesty International have the most important task of preparing reports, and from these reports, one can infer whether the system governing the countries from which these reports are prepared is a dictatorship or a democracy. Of course, the type of system, whether communist or liberal, does not matter because our work is not political, but rather we monitor and report on the country’s compliance with human rights laws and standards, and emphasize it.

Iran has the right to be a member of the United Nations and the Human Rights Council, just like any other country. However, simply being a member of these organizations does not necessarily mean that the country respects human rights standards, and this is a misconception. Therefore, the common goal within the United Nations is to improve international standards, and efforts should be made to understand and accept these standards from a moral, social, and political perspective. By recognizing the importance of these common points between a dictatorship, democracy, communism, and so on, we can create a better world because it leads to a shared understanding. For example, every person who is arrested by a government should have the right to access a lawyer. This is an international standard that has become a common practice worldwide, but does Iran adhere to it? No, in Iran, individuals are often imprisoned for months without access to a lawyer or their families, and are often subjected to torture in order to force them to make televised confessions. What

Our mission as human rights defenders, who play a crucial role in these matters, is not only to work on cases in Iran, but also to collaborate with different governments to find better standards.

Do you have any recommendations or solutions for improving the security of human rights activists in Iran?

Unfortunately, I doubt that there is a simple answer to your question. On the other hand, it can be said that human rights defenders must rely on each other in most cases and be more dependent on each other. They must follow each other.

In any case, in a system where, for example, the Revolutionary Guards have such a high role, it is difficult to imagine finding a solution. For example, when Jesus was arrested and taken to prison through phone tracking, if the human rights defenders in Iran had proper education and experience in protecting individual rights and security during their activities, they could have played a more professional and less risky role; of course, I only hope that by achieving such abilities, security can be improved.

On the other hand, sooner or later, a government will come into power that will accept criticism well. It will understand the criticism of human rights defenders, which is within the framework of political and social dialogue, and will protect and support these individuals. However, this remains a dream and is not a realistic option in such times…

And finally, international solidarity with human rights defenders inside Iran is of fundamental importance. Solidarity with the children of Hirana, with the children of Amnesty International and human rights watchdogs is all very important. It is in this solidarity that we, who work in the field of human rights, can gather and publish information about threats, dangers and even research in the field of human rights. This can be a guarantee and support for the protection and security of human rights activists. Of course, this is only possible if the Iranian government intends to respect the rule of law, which is not very practical at the moment.

Mr. Dyke, on the 11th of December 2009, amidst street protests, the information of the Revolutionary Guards of the Islamic Revolution organized attacks against human rights defenders and in their extensive media campaigns, they accused them of being affiliated with Western security organizations or certain political groups. Recently, the head of the Islamic Human Rights Commission, Mr. Javad Larijani, emphasized that Iranian human rights defenders are tainted with terrorist activities. In your opinion, where does this perspective stem from and what dangers does it pose to Iranian human rights defenders? What solutions are there to confront these types of threats and accusations?

See, the rule of law is weak in Iran. However, it must be said that compared to the situation in Afghanistan, Iran has much better conditions. The domestic laws in Iran have many flaws. In the book of Islamic Penal Code, in the chapter that discusses national security crimes, many ambiguous issues have been addressed. We should ask Mr. Larijani, what does taking action against national security mean? Or what does propaganda against the system and disturbing public minds mean?

With these ambiguous laws, even our conversations and the questions you ask may be considered a threat to national security! Because in any case, the structure and even the independence of the judicial system in Iran has been challenged by your questions. So they can easily put any name on larger activities.

We must try to neutralize the weaknesses of laws and the crisis of human rights defenders, both from within and outside of Iran, by working together and supporting them in various ways. We must strive to find new solutions in this regard. We should convince members of parliament, representatives of major foundations, or even the Revolutionary Guards, and make them understand that ensuring the health, unity, and peace of a society will ultimately benefit the country. If the immunity of the Revolutionary Guards and official authorities is reduced, this may be achieved.

As a final question, what message do you have for Iranian human rights activists who are either in prison or working in dangerous conditions?

This is a very difficult question and I don’t know what to say!

Sometimes, a person wants to laugh! As far as I know, you also want to laugh soon! Everyone has a perspective, and this is a kind of perspective that when faced with a difficult reality, you laugh! This laughter shows that your perspective and outlook are positive and optimistic. I want to say that all the human rights defenders I have met so far, all of them laugh a lot and have a positive and good outlook on the future of the world and their desires for the well-being and improvement of the world’s health and behavior in the future. This is very important and my message to human rights defender friends, whether in prison or outside of prison, is to please maintain and support your positive outlook and think about the positive results that will come in the future; not just the long-term future, but also the near future, think about the future of your country and the world. This positive outlook towards the world is very important.

In Iran, there are many examples in this regard. For example, Emad al-Din Baqi, who for a long time has been working on issues such as the death penalty and children’s rights, has been under pressure for years. However, his behavior has been very positive, which shows how hopeful he is. As I mentioned, there is generally hope in the existence of human rights defenders, which shines like a light from within their personalities. The enemies of human rights activists want to extinguish this light, and this is their main goal.

For example, a Basiji took up arms a few years ago and killed Neda Agha-Soltan. What does this symbol mean!? They want to extinguish the light of hope in the hearts of the Iranian people, and this is their fundamental desire. We know that the light of hope has emerged in the hearts of the Iranian people, so we must strive against this neutralization.

In my opinion, human rights defenders should find a common and clear strategy. We should try to act simultaneously to achieve these goals sooner. Having access to a lawyer during arrest can be one of the objectives… We should create opportunities to communicate with each other in order to develop this strategy.

Thank you for the opportunity you have given us.

No text was provided. Please provide the Farsi text to be translated.

Support for the victims of 11 Esfand – Photo of the peace line – Siavash Bahman.
Support for the victims of 11 Esfand – Photo of the peace line – Siavash Bahman

Akbar Aalami: Personal interpretations of the law violate individuals’ privacy / Simin Rouzgar

Posted on October 15, 2015July 19, 2024 by admin

We sat down with Akbar Aalamy, a lawyer and certified legal expert in the field of “privacy” and its place in various cultures and laws, especially in Iran. Mr. Aalamy, who was also a former representative of the National Security and Foreign Policy Commission in the sixth and seventh terms of the Islamic Consultative Assembly in Iran, believes that the extremist faction known as the Principlists do not have a tendency to pass human rights bills and laws until they and their supporters are faced with issues such as invasion of their own privacy.

Mr. Aalam, society mostly refers to you as an individual who pays special attention to the concepts and indicators of citizenship rights, both in words and actions, especially during your time as a member of parliament. In the first question, allow me to ask you to explain the concept of privacy, which you also advocate for, to our readers.

Every living being in this world has boundaries called privacy, which separates their territory from others. The privacy of a plant is the area where its roots, stems, and leaves grow and continue its life, and if this privacy is violated, its life may be in danger. The exclusive territory of an animal is where it is born, raised, hunts, and reproduces, and if it can, it will defend this territory from others with all its might.

Human, as the most noble creature and the one known as the representative of God on earth, possesses a special realm due to its physical and spiritual qualities, needs, and desires. This entitles them to prohibit others from any interference or invasion without permission and to claim exclusive use and ownership of it.

Based on this, it can be said that privacy is the inviolable boundaries and sanctity of an individual’s personal life, which is the right of only one person to benefit from it, and entry into it is only allowed with the person’s permission and obtaining a visa. Otherwise, it is considered a violation of a person’s private territory.

In your opinion, what is the function of this inviolable privacy and security in individuals’ lives in society? Why is preserving this privacy emphasized?

The most important aspect that distinguishes humans from other living beings is their precious essence known as “human dignity and status”, which has been entrusted to them by the Creator. The foundation and basis of this dignity and nobility, and its preservation, is closely tied to the fulfillment of a set of rights and responsibilities. If these are violated or threatened, the person’s honor, humanity, and dignity are at risk and will be compromised. Respecting the privacy of individuals is one of the most important of these responsibilities.

Therefore, protecting the privacy of each citizen in any country is a vital matter and leads to the preservation of the family and society, security, self-esteem, self-confidence, and ultimately the vitality and sustainability of a society. On the contrary, in societies where citizens do not feel secure in this regard and their human dignity is violated, that society will sooner or later face insecurity, chaos, and collapse.

What is the definition of privacy and how does it work? How does an individual understand its meaning and boundaries? Is there a universal definition of privacy in the world or is it a variable domain with changing dimensions?

Culture and religion, beliefs and power structures are among the most important components in defining the privacy boundaries of individuals and their contexts. In fact, it can be said that each of these components influences the nature and limits of personal privacy in a society by affecting its laws.

Therefore, the definition, scope, and examples of privacy in different societies are not necessarily similar to each other, as mentioned, they can vary depending on culture, religion, customs, power structure, level of development and growth, and specific conditions and considerations of each society. However, in many cases, these boundaries are shared and originate from the nature and instinct of humans, not the components mentioned.

According to your perspective, which considers privacy as derived from natural and inherent rights, but also influenced by various cultural and religious factors as well as power structures in defining its limitations in different societies, where does respect for this privacy stand in the laws of different countries today?

Respect for people’s privacy is a fundamental human right and a basic human right. Although most countries in the world do not have a comprehensive law to protect privacy, the importance of protecting individuals’ privacy is emphasized in various principles of the constitution and in the heart of other domestic laws in most countries. Each of them has provided provisions and mechanisms in their legal and criminal laws to protect the privacy of citizens in accordance with the mentioned components. However, the content and nature, intensity and weakness, and limitations of each of them depend on the system and power structure, culture, religion, and level of development of that society.

In addition to these countries that adhere to international conventions and laws regarding privacy, such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, they are obliged to comply with such laws in their constitutions and ordinary laws.

It seems that the governments and people of developed countries place more importance on the privacy of citizens compared to other countries, and therefore have stricter rules in their laws for protecting privacy and punishing violators.

Although evidence suggests that in the past decade, in developed countries as well, the privacy of citizens has been compromised in many cases and violated by governments under the pretext of security measures.

How is it in our country? To what extent do lawmakers recognize the privacy rights and its expansion for Iranian citizens?

In the Constitution and other relevant laws of the Islamic Republic of Iran, special attention has been paid to the privacy of citizens in various dimensions, both material and spiritual.

In fact, the Constitution is inspired by the Quran, Islamic law, and the Constitutionalism without directly mentioning the term “privacy”. In articles 12, 22, 23, 24, 25, 28, 32, 33, 38, 39, and 46, in the five areas of belief, physical, spatial, informational, communicational, and personal, it emphasizes the importance of respecting the privacy of citizens and considers its violation a crime.

In various ordinary laws, the privacy of citizens has been considered in different dimensions and areas such as medical, economic, tax, cultural, social, and political, which include provisions from civil law, criminal and legal procedure law, Islamic penal law, law on publication and free access to information, law on respecting legitimate freedoms and preserving citizens’ rights, and law on cyber crimes.

However, in addition to the exceptions mentioned in the laws, according to the jurisprudential principle of “no harm and no infliction of harm”, and in accordance with Article 40 of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran, no one is allowed to use their rights as a means of causing harm to others or violating public interests.

Therefore, in all cases mentioned, privacy is respected to the extent that it does not interfere with the rights of others or public interests. Otherwise, with the authorization and determination of competent judicial authorities, violation of privacy and interventions in it are possible.

Unfortunately, the existence of these restrictions and conditions in our country’s laws sometimes allows certain authorities to violate individuals’ privacy by using their own interpretations and preferences.

In your opinion, does this cliché view that governments violate the privacy of citizens cause us to forget about other violators? Can citizens themselves not violate their own privacy? What is the fundamental difference between the violation of this privacy by these two groups?

Both can violate privacy, but their nature, dimensions, amount, and impact may differ from each other, or in some cases, violating privacy may be inherent despite the availability of facilities that citizens do not have. For example, eavesdropping is more common in government agencies than in citizens, and in case of privacy violation by citizens, the possibility of prevention, pursuit, and punishment is greater than violating governments.

Mr. Eslami, as you know, in the seventh parliament, a bill titled “Protection of Individuals’ Privacy” was presented by Mohammad Khatami, the former president, in the last days of his government’s activity.

The type and quality of support for privacy protection was unprecedented. However, this bill was rejected in parliament. Please provide a brief explanation of the story behind this bill and its implications for readers of the peace line.

Yes, one of the articles (133) of the Fourth Five-Year Development Plan had obligated the judiciary to prepare a draft for the protection and promotion of citizens’ rights and the protection of individuals’ privacy and submit it for approval to the relevant authorities.

Therefore, in order to protect privacy, the last bill of Mr. Khatami’s government was presented to the parliament on the last day and at the same time as his farewell ceremony in the Islamic Consultative Assembly, in accordance with the implementation of the development plan.

In this bill, which was drafted based on articles 22 and 25 of the Constitution and in order to respect the dignity and independence of individuals, five personal privacy boundaries were established: physical privacy, information privacy, privacy of places and homes, privacy in the workplace, privacy of communications, and the responsibilities resulting from their violation. Furthermore, separate punishments were provided for violators of each of these privacy boundaries.

Unfortunately, this bill was rejected in the seventh session of the Parliament’s Industries Commission and the Ahmadinejad government demanded its return in April 2006.

Four months after the return of this bill, in July 2006, a group of minority representatives presented a proposal to protect privacy, which unfortunately did not yield any results. Finally, in October 2006, the general principles of the “Publication and Free Access to Information” bill were approved by the parliament, which in fact only addresses one aspect of the five dimensions of the returned bill.

What was the reason for the rejection of this bill in the seventh parliament? Were legal issues raised or were political differences a barrier to the approval of this bill?

As I mentioned, this bill was rejected by the Industries Committee of the Parliament and was returned by the government. However, the extremist faction known as the Fundamentalists essentially have no interest in approving human rights bills and laws until they themselves face problems such as invasion of their own privacy. They do not see the existence of such laws as beneficial or necessary for the people and the country, and they may even believe that by approving such laws, the people may become more rebellious and put the interests of Islam and the system at risk. However, I believe that many human rights laws are in line with religious orders and have no conflict with them.

Now that we are talking about the activities of the Islamic Consultative Assembly, considering your background and expertise, can you briefly refer to the laws passed in the Islamic Republic of Iran that protect and emphasize the privacy and citizenship rights?

Similar laws have been approved in various cases in all assemblies, including legal provisions for protecting individuals’ privacy within the Islamic Penal Code, the Criminal Procedure Code, and the Cyber Crimes Code, as well as the Law on Respect for Legitimate Freedoms and Protection of Citizens’ Rights, passed by the Sixth Assembly, and the Law on Publication and Free Access to Information, passed by the Seventh Assembly. It can be said without exaggeration that the majority of laws passed in relation to human rights have been during the Sixth Assembly, and assemblies with a majority of representatives from the so-called conservative or fundamentalist parties have shown the most opposition to such laws. However, the non-approval or rejection of such laws is more of a matter for the Guardian Council than the Assembly itself.

Has the parliament taken any action to address the violation of people’s privacy, especially in regards to their privacy being violated in cyberspace, by providing reports or collecting complaints in relevant committees? Does such a mechanism exist in the parliament?

The virtual space is filled with such protests and complaints, including the hacking of various individuals’ emails. Certainly, representatives who are involved with the internet have personally experienced this problem and do not need to obtain specific reports from others.

And then people usually complain to an authority to ensure that their complaints and protests are addressed. When the parliament does not spend time addressing such complaints, it is unlikely that people will waste their time bringing such protests to the parliament.

As the final question, what is your opinion about the Hi Police of the production and exchange of information, or the “FATA Police” that we are currently witnessing a lot of criticism about its activities and are accused of violating citizens’ privacy in the cyber space? To what extent do you agree with these criticisms and where do you see the problem?

To prevent cyber crimes and combat them, cyber police operate in many countries. Therefore, the establishment of a judicial regulation for dealing with cyber crimes is essential.

However, leaving the determination of such crimes to the discretion of the police and security forces and regulating the virtual space, especially against those who engage in peaceful political activities and publish their constructive criticisms in the virtual space, is by no means permissible. In order to prevent arbitrary actions by the police in the production and exchange of information, firstly, the origin of its creation must be legal and approved by the parliament, and its scope of action must also be in accordance with general principles as stated in the Constitution and frameworks determined by the law.

Undoubtedly, when the cyber police act solely on the orders of the commander of the law enforcement forces, it is clear that their arbitrary actions restrict the space for legitimate online activities, violate the law, infringe upon the legitimate and legal freedoms, and invade individuals’ privacy. It sometimes happens that the independence of the branches of government is completely violated and the judicial authorities take it upon themselves to issue judgments and punishments.

Farzads do not die; in memory of the fourth anniversary of Farzad Kamangar’s execution/ Hamid Rahmani.

Posted on October 15, 2015July 10, 2024 by admin

Every year around the nineteenth of Ordibehesht, I review all the news and memories that formed in my mind from the year eighty-five and the arrest of a Kurdish teacher…

Every day that passed, I waited to see what our society’s judicial system would do with a teacher more than the day before.

Days passed and the news only spoke of individual cells, torture, and execution orders, while on the other hand, there was support from both the people and the international community for a imprisoned teacher. I carefully followed all of these events and understood the students’ longing for their teacher’s return, and I felt the teacher’s longing for the school environment and her students with all my heart through Farzad’s letters.

“When I read that ‘I wake up with you beside these tall walls, I laugh with you and sleep with you,’ I was waiting for someone to pay the price for this much love for a teacher and return a loving teacher to the embrace of their school; but unfortunately, this eagerness for teaching was crushed every day and moved from one prison to another, from one chain to another, from one cell to another, and I could never believe that one day our country would see such longing for school hanging in the morning air…”

I have never received an answer about this and I have been wondering who will answer the longings of Media…?

But I only know that this sound always echoes from all the schools: “Frazadis never die.”

Frazad means scream!

The cry of an impatient teacher.

Restless from the suffering of deprived children

Deprived of the most basic right of being a girl or a boy.

Being in a world full of distance, separation, and discrimination…

Frazad means scream!

Cry of deprivation

Deprivation of a world called school.

A school full of young students sitting and watching.

Watching the fall of green leaves and the strange death of desires…

Frazad means scream!

The endless cry of a heart.

The fluttering heart of the love bird in the sky.

The sky is dark and covered with black clouds of darkness.

The injustice and tyranny that have filled the village with misery…

Frazad means scream!

The rapid cry of a waterfall

“Crystal clear and full of honesty”

Friendship and transparency of rain from the river.

A river full of empty spaces for little black fish…