This is not a complete sentence, so it cannot be translated accurately. Please provide the full Farsi text. Amir Javaheri Langroudi

In Iran, the wrong economic policies of previous governments, including the government of Prudence and Hope (Hassan Rouhani), based on privatization and economic adjustment, closure of production units, temporary and guaranteed contracts, widespread layoffs, commodification of all necessities of life, meager wages and non-payment of overdue salaries, along with rampant inflation, sharp decline in the value of the rial, and sometimes multiple increases in the prices of goods, have made living conditions difficult for workers, teachers, retirees, and all wage earners in the country, pushing them to the brink of destitution. In the midst of this, the protests of Khuzestan workers in Haft Tappeh and Ahvaz Steel are a loud cry against the wrong economic policies of the government. These protests are a big “no” to poverty, destitution, and structural adjustment, and a defense of the independent action and class struggle in the labor movement of Iran. Without a doubt, the protests of

Regarding the two mentioned movements and their demands, significant feedback was received on social media platforms. However, for more than two weeks, there was silence from news agencies and government officials. It was only when the workers did not show up that the newspaper owners, workers’ homes, parliament, government, Friday prayer leaders, governors, ministers, and even Ahmadinejad supporters, private sector CEOs, and everyone else became united with Haft Tappeh and Foolad.

But the question is: Does this also mean a voice in support of the rights and privileges of the sugar and steel workers, which ultimately led the representatives of the Ministry of Labor to negotiate with the striking workers in the south? Or is it a mistake to hold back the struggle and resistance of the sugar and steel workers? Or is it essentially a kind of superficial and opportunistic attempt to profit from the stock market, the rent-seeking sugar, steel and ingot traders, to increase the value of private sector shares, which their spoon is completely on one side against the country’s economic crisis and on the other hand, in the light of the balanced movement of the seven hills and the Ahvaz steel and other demand-based groups, has been exposed in our society?

The reality shows that all of these displays are temporary and superficial measures to suppress existing protest movements. For example, the long strike of the Bafgh mines in Yazd province, which involved the families of the miners and setting up tents in the city, brought the entire geography of Bafgh together. However, with the classic methods of the Islamic Republic, the movement was suppressed and a decision was made when the waters calmed down and the judicial system, in collaboration with the private sector, went after the organizers of the long-term strike and sentenced them to prison and flogging. This is because Article 44 of the Constitution and the implementation of privatization policies have their own special guardians, and the judicial system is the sole protector of this principle. The protests and strikes of the sugar and steel workers are not isolated incidents, but rather a series of ongoing struggles. Each time, the workers fall, learn, rise again, and bring in a new powerful force to their class struggle. In

In a country where the income of a eulogist from two hours of crying is more than the rights of a month’s work for laborers (not to mention the eulogist’s cash payment, not dowry), it is clear that the long and wide judicial system cannot protect the interests of its workers. When workers do not have independent and nationwide organizations, we should not be optimistic that the flames of anger and dissatisfaction in Bafq, Shush, Ahvaz, and other cities will spread like Morocco and the self-immolation of that young man, or like France, from the outskirts of cities to the main squares, challenging the entire repressive system. The fact that in Bafq mine, despite the fiery protests during the presidential elections and the entry of Ali Rabiei, there was no severe crackdown and, to some extent, the local authorities, city council, Friday prayer leader, and members of parliament intervened to release some of the arrested workers, but with

All of this is happening while in the parliament, “Mahjoob” and “Javad Kazem Nasab Al-Baji”, the representative of the province, say: “The detention of workers is condemned in general.” Mohammad Shariatmadari, the Minister of Cooperatives, Labor and Social Welfare, also announced in an interview with ILNA: “It is clear that when a workshop encounters production problems, workers’ rights are delayed … they protest; sometimes a worker who has not received wages for several months has no choice but to protest; … unfortunately, they turn the issue into a security matter and try to solve it through security measures instead of economic solutions. To solve the problems of workers, the root causes must be addressed and there is no need for security measures.” However, the commander of the Revolutionary Guards in Khuzestan has conditioned and said: “Detained individuals who are from the body of workers will be released by the end of December 17th.” Therefore,

In the midst of all this, the repressive apparatus can only survive by labeling the workers’ movements as “security threats”; because the entire system and government are still moving towards structural adjustment and privatization with all their might, and essentially, these measures cannot bring any benefit to the working class in terms of finding a way out of the crisis and recession. When the economy is in crisis and we are facing extensive sanctions, and government resources, which are mainly oil resources, are being used to secure capital and support a portion of the capitalist class – which is itself incompetent and ineffective and cannot address any part of the government’s massive debt to the Social Security Fund and other debts, or take any action to regulate the budget in the face of massive tax exemptions for large institutions, it is clear that their direction is not towards solving the problems of the struggling and oppressed masses, but rather towards filling the empty plates of a select group of consumers, especially the massive military and security apparatus.

We all witnessed when the generous support manager of employment and unemployment insurance and the representative of the Minister of Labor in the south was replaced, a wide group of recognized activists of the sugar industry were taken to prevent their progress. Workers do not give up their protests and they are also forced to release the detainees to provide opportunities for the advancement of the private sector. Videos of the fugitive manager, Omid Asad Bigi, are coming one after another during these days, calling on workers to return to work with promises of delayed payments and return to work.

In response to the freedom of some individuals on December 3rd, the end of the sugar strike is announced with the imprisonment of “Esmail Bakhsi” by state media, specifically ILNA. Outside, some people are also calling for the end of the strike with their “Mahjoub” horns. Despite the cries of the workers, the judicial system continues to keep “Bakhsi” in prison and the fugitive CEO hands over full control of the company to “Keyumars Kazemi”.

In this stage, in addition to the demand to return the company from the private sector to the government and pay the overdue wages, the demand for the release of detained worker “Bakhsi”, a member of the sugar syndicate and an activist in the student and civil movements, is added to the previous demands of the workers. The Haft Tapeh workers declare that if the detained workers are not released, negotiations will not take place. However, the security apparatus, in coordination with the private sector, not only does not release “Bakhsi and Ghalian”, but also accuses them of security charges and this time goes after “Ali Najati”, a veteran and one of the founders of the sugar syndicate, and takes him to prison as well. A retired worker who spends his days after heart surgery, must spend his days with the “security” case.

The main feature of this stage of movements in the sugar and steel industries in Ahvaz is solely focused on the repayment of overdue wages, ending the pressures of the work environment and job security for workers, the withdrawal of the industry from the private sector and its return to the government, which is manifested in the slogan of “bread, work, freedom, and council management”. The achievement of the Seven Hills and Steel movement is evident in the fact that they went beyond legal limits and their individual and professional demands, and did not go on strike to increase their wages or collect their overdue payments. Instead, they institutionalized the demand to shorten the private sector’s share in the overall life of the labor movement in this stage. They were determined to raise their voices against the inefficiency of the private sector. In this stage, their demands are intertwined with the previous struggles of workers in Hepco, Azarab, Chador Malu mines, and hundreds of other bankrupt industries. In this regard,

Today, we have witnessed the simultaneous season of inspiration and the formation of convergence in the labor movement for wage and rights demands. This in itself is another manifestation of the promising potential for unity in the strong support of independent labor organizations against the yellow unions and the government. The failed project of government unionization is just the beginning. What has happened in Ahvaz Steel is a new transformation in the labor movement. In the protests of Ahvaz Steel, it was not only the workers of Haft Tappeh Sugar or the union of the company or the coordination committee or the monitoring committee that showed support, but also a part of the city’s merchants, environmentalists, nationalists, teachers, retirees, and students. Ahvaz showed how leadership is formed. They have been on the streets for over thirty days. Ahvaz Steel showed that if the highly populated sectors of Iran’s workforce enter the field and stay for a long time, their impact will be significant.

Undoubtedly, the protest movement benefits from this capacity, which, with determination from the common season, removes one obstacle after another from the convergence of the extensive army and the efforts of the country. Now that the truth is revealed, everyone can see that despite all the conspiracies and tricks, despite the obvious weaknesses and imposed shortages, it is possible to move towards forming a great and undeniable convergence. In order to smooth the path of convergence, we must help and strengthen the core of this convergence.

Our country’s workers are determined to fight against the disaster of pre-existing neoliberal policies. They are a million-strong army of unemployed, constantly moving from one factory to another, from one home to another. Tomorrow, we will hear the cries of millions of workers alongside retirees, teachers, students, and countless other voices of marginalized labor in the major cities. Just like the workers in the sugar and steel industries, their voices will not be silenced until they receive a response.

We all stand united for the freedom of the detainees of the Seven Tir and National Steel Group and other imprisoned teachers, students, activists, and lawyers. We will spare no effort and make the slogan of canceling bail and unconditional release of political prisoners the focus of our activities. We must stand with them with all our might.