As one of the emerging but powerful forces in the student movement, they have repeatedly emphasized their non-political stance. They have explicitly stated that they are not involved in internal political factions and have no connections with political groups outside the country. They have said, “Due to the interdependence and complexity of social relations and the escape from the effects of macro policies from the university level, naturally the demands of student livelihood are linked to the demands of teachers, nurses, workers and other hardworking and marginalized sections of society, and this is an inherent part of the critical and active actions of representatives who scientifically examine and explain the demands of the student body at macroeconomic and political levels.” (1)

On this occasion, they have both stood firm. They have defended their fellow imprisoned student colleagues who have been arrested, raised the banner “Free the Prison Workers”, and stood alongside teachers in solidarity. In a statement of solidarity, University of Tehran students have joined the workers of Haft Tappeh in protesting against privatization and have stated that “the bankruptcy of Haft Tappeh is a reflection of the bankruptcy of higher education. The policies that have led to the bankruptcy of Haft Tappeh and its workers through privatization have had disastrous consequences within universities.” (2)

From their perspective, the commercialization of universities and the decline in the quality of higher education, alongside the detachment of university studies from the needs and demands of the people and its transformation into a tool for capital gain and control over work, and the disillusionment with the academic environment, are among the policies that have worsened the current situation and provided grounds for protests.

For them, these issues have been the cause of continuous discrimination in the field of higher education in Iran. Their demands have always been clear. In their statements, they have raised the demands of the profession and have been cautious of political activities. From the increase in free tuition to the issue of dormitory capacity and food distribution, to – as mentioned – the issue of commercialization and privatization of universities. These are the views and demands of what is known as the student guild councils in the country.

If the 1970s and the second half of Khordad, the era of student political uprising, had a little breathing space after the 1960s and the reign of absolute power of Hashemi Rafsanjani, with the beginning of activities of the new era of the Office of Consolidation of Unity, this office became a base for purging opposing students and establishing the new order’s authority in the university. It initially had a critical stance from within, but later became a tool of the ruling power and turned into a turning point on July 9th, 1999, changing its relationship with the ruling authority.

In the 80s, the student movement and the new order, consisting of new currents in universities, became fragmented. Liberals and socialists organized themselves, and political parties, mostly reformists on one side and fundamentalist/conservative currents on the other, sought to have their own hand in universities. After the suppression of students in 82, the government, with the support of the Revolutionary Guards, and after the presidential election in 84 and the emergence of Ahmadinejad, no longer had the patience and changed their political stance. From the month of Tir in 84, and in front of Tehran University on 21 Tir, their cries for freedom and equality reached the sky. The period between 84 and 88, and before the major event, was a peak time and a prelude to the events of 88. Students, with the belief that they were taking one and leaving the other, became divided. Their 16 Azar (December 7th) also became

From 88 to 90 and until 92, but the period after the shock of 88 was a time of silence. No one could breathe and every voice of dissent was choked in the throat. In 92, Hassan Rouhani came to the presidency with the support of some students and society. He gave slogans and the students thought they could rise from under the rubble. Student organizations with various names – mostly with an Islamic suffix – became active and a new event happened.

The student movement, from the early 1990s until the second term of Khordad, was the arm of power and a way for students to enter the body of authority. To the extent that during the sixth parliamentary elections, they presented a list and their activists were able to secure seats in the Islamic Consultative Assembly. After that, despite their strong differences and their passing of Khatami and their election sanctions, their connection with the preservation parties was still maintained. Their leftists also occasionally – and a few influential individuals – communicated with leftist parties outside the country. In fact, the student movement was not completely independent and tried to maintain its connection with parties.

It seems that after 1992, a new event is happening in the student movement. Both Islamic associations that had a political stance and guild councils that were focused on student and guild demands have distanced themselves from political parties. One reason for this may have been the absence and removal of the main reformist parties. The Participation Front and the Organization of Mojahedin-e Khalq were dissolved and until their new parties, such as the National Unity, took shape and gained strength, there was a way ahead. On the other hand, in the guilds of the university, which had the same egalitarian and freedom-seeking approach, this time they only focused on their guild demands and tried to concentrate on those issues without any connection to parties outside the university. In fact, after 1992, the university tried to stand up and rise. And this standing up for guild issues was the main outcome of the student guild councils in the country.

The regulations of the Student Council of the country’s universities were approved in Ardibehesht 1395. However, the student councils had previously been organized and considered themselves as the most powerful voice in the country’s universities during the moderate government. In fact, the student councils transformed from a purely guild-oriented situation to a movement that formed its own discourse. These councils challenged the current situation and deemed the approved student councils by the Ministry of Science as a dysfunctional and corrupt part of the bureaucratic process. They began to protest against the commercialization of education and the lack of equal opportunities for all students. (2) Their members discussed together until finally in Shahrivar 1393, they formed the “Committee for the Establishment of the Union of Student Councils” in universities, drawing the attention of students and activists. (2) The important point here is that these activists were usually self-motivated, without the support or backing of any political groups. In a time when the political

In December 2017, while the country was in turmoil and the people were rising up, a new era of political discourse began in Iran, which brought together both conservative and reformist ideologies. Student activists, organized in trade unions, also took to the streets. The people’s demand was for economic justice, and the protests shifted from the issue of bread to the fundamental issue of governance. In the midst of this, student activists also joined in. Since Azar 32 (December 22), and before and after that, the university has been a stronghold of freedom and a watchdog for the fundamental demands of society. In December 2017, universities once again became the scene of protests, this time led by trade union activists. Dozens of people, including moderate members of the government’s Ministry of Intelligence, were arrested and subjected to individual interrogations and bail, but they did not back down. From the December protests until now, student trade unions have remained active and united. In one

It can be said that the nature of the student movement is changing. If we limit the definition of the student movement to the 1970s and 1980s, it may not be possible to talk about the current student movement in the middle of the field. But in a broader definition, we can mention the Mouloudi, who, by avoiding ties with political parties, defines himself and moves forward with satire and a careful look at the future. However, its activists are somewhat inexperienced due to the generational gap between student activists who have been arrested, migrated, expelled, and even executed. But their creativity and two well-known qualities of students, namely not having and not wanting, have made them fully present on the scene and play a role.

The demand of this student movement, as one of the current student movements in the country, has a nature of freedom and equality that has become entangled in the tangible reality of the university. (2) In a university where, after the Cultural Revolution (or as Dr. Mohammad Maleki calls it, the Cultural Coup), a completely authoritarian and dictatorial system is in place, this demand is certainly radical. However, these students have connected their class activities with the activities of other social classes, such as workers and teachers. In fact, what we are witnessing is a full-fledged class uprising that, apart from political disputes, is moving forward in connection with the society. If we do not want to be caught off guard, we must take this class uprising seriously.

Notes:

1. Statement of University Guild Councils Regarding the Arrest of Several Students, ISNA, January 14, 2018

2. Telegram channel of student guild councils of the country.