Among the recent nationwide protests, from the first days, unity and solidarity among the different political and social groups of Gonabad’s Darvishes was evident. An example of this unity was the gathering and encampment of these Darvishes for several days, accompanied by some families of other prisoners, in front of Evin Prison to demand the release of four detained Darvishes on the sidelines of the nationwide protests. Men and women, old and young, stood together in large numbers in front of Evin with the slogan “Be afraid, be afraid, we are all together” to fight for the freedom of their fellow thinkers and did not leave the scene despite the harsh actions of security forces, which ultimately led to the release of the four mentioned Darvishes.

This steadfastness resulted in the freedom of four imprisoned dervishes, as an example of effective unity among activists who were following and analyzing the nationwide protests at the time. This unity, if different political and social groups had it, undoubtedly would have had a different outcome by joining the widespread wave of protests.

The next wave of protest by the unified Darvish of Gonabad took shape with the siege of the house of Noor Ali Tabandeh, the leader of these Darvish, on 7th Golestan Street in Pasdaran, Tehran. Security forces surrounded his house in an attempt to arrest him, and immediately a large number of Darvish of Gonabad gathered and fortified the area in an effort to protect him. Despite the constant presence of security forces, this gathering continued for several days and Darvish from all over the country joined in. Finally, with the trickery of the police and the arrest of one of the poor (Darvish) and taking him to Pasdaran’s 102 police station, the situation became chaotic and violent, and was severely suppressed. In the end, with the arrest of around 400 Darvish of Gonabad, the protest came to an end.

While the dervishes have always been advocates of peace and contentment from two perspectives, they not only failed to practically attract the support of other civil activists, but also the way crisis and violence were managed by security and intelligence forces pushed these peace-seeking groups to confront them in self-defense.

But why did the people and other political and civil groups not support the dervishes and stand by them?

A famous poem by Martin Niemöller says:

First, the communists appeared.

I remained silent because I was not a communist.

After the socialists came.

I remained silent because I was not a socialist.

After the arrival of the Jews, …

I remained silent because I was not a Jew.

When I found myself, they came.

There was no one else to protest.

This poem is a tangible example in our society and is repeatedly recited with sighs and regrets, but how is it that despite knowing where the pain is, we do not pay attention to its fundamental treatment?

A part of the answer to this recurring question must be sought in examining the level of political development and the growth of civil institutions in Iranian society. In addition to the fact that political and civil parties and organizations in Iran do not have a significant history, in the past forty years, the ruling power has, at times, passed between reformists and fundamentalists in semi-electoral periods, but overall, it has always been in the hands of a religious movement and the country is governed based on a radical Shia ideology. This ideological authoritarian system has always been determined to weaken and destroy civil society, political movements and institutions, and suppress non-native religious sects and beliefs with all its might.

The only hopeful course that emerged in the 1970s for the civil society organizations to take action, quickly became silent and the hostile treatment towards these organizations intensified more than ever. This severe and continuous suppression has caused social forces and political groups in Iran to face a remarkable crisis in organization. They practically do not have equal and free participation in political and social competitions and activities. They do not have any interaction with similar international organizations and do not have the possibility of legal growth and development. In such suppressed conditions, it is unlikely that the civil and political movements will join forces with the Gonabadi dervishes, even though it may be expected and desired by observers.

Another aspect of the problem is the intentional and unintentional crisis-making of the government, which affects all levels of society and creates a polarized atmosphere among people, both in real and virtual spaces. The widening gap between social classes and the separation of social groups, the dire economic situation that has paralyzed people’s lives, the environmental crisis caused by the government’s greed and destruction of nature and its climate effects, and on the other hand, the water crisis which is a serious issue for farmers in many parts of the country, have all caused the people, especially the lower class, to suffer from ongoing difficulties in their lives, to the point where their only means of protest is to cry out for help.

Intense suppression of social groups, including students, workers, women, teachers, retirees, and arrests, long interrogations, and long prison sentences or heavy bails, have put increased pressure on social groups and everyone is somehow caught up in their own work. In fact, it seems that the government has been successful in suppressing and separating social groups from each other.

Various protesting movements in different historical periods have been suppressed and destroyed in the past forty years. In the absence of a legal mechanism for the growth and development of civil society, and the continuous suppression of media and social and political movements, society will eventually explode. An explosion that will happen sooner or later at a high cost.

In a situation where there is a lack of infrastructure in civil society on one hand and the high cost of any type of protest – even peaceful ones – on the other hand, political and civil groups are operating like isolated islands. Expecting them to be in solidarity with the poor and marginalized, although necessary, is far from reality.

Perhaps in order to create such an atmosphere of empathy and companionship, different political and civil groups should brainstorm and work together.