
ی Public protests and the issue of “implementation”/ Omid Shamsi
This is a picture of a beautiful flower.
Hope Shams
Street protest has fundamentally taken the form of execution and display of knots. Dehkhoda has mentioned “displays” as the second synonym for the word “demonstrations”, while “people’s political gathering and movement in the streets” is the last meaning of the word. Demonstrations have a common root with the Arabic word “mazahara”, meaning display and bringing attention. The word “demonstration” in its Latin root means pointing out and showing the practical action of something or a concept. Aside from the etymology of the word, street protest in any form and manner has dramatic qualities; because through the body and body language, it puts an issue in the center of public attention or at least for observation.
Street protest is like any other form of public behavior or behavior in public that involves some kind of performance. As Marchella Foynes describes it, it includes any kind of constructed behavior in daily life that brings with it self-representation (1) or, better yet, we can say, physical representation of an idea. With this definition, from an analytical/performance perspective, everyday behaviors of individuals in society can be analyzed and shown how gender-based, racist, nationalist, classist constructions and behaviors against them are formed. The act of an Afghan immigrant standing up in a subway car for a newly arrived Iranian passenger and the reaction of this passenger can be examined as a full-fledged dramatic performance and from its heart, one can reflect on the political relations governing Iranian society.
With this introduction, can we examine the recent street protests in Iran from the perspective of the issue of implementation and come to conclusions about the role of these protests in the political developments of the past forty years? Can we demonstrate that theatrical and performative aspects have gained strength in recent protests and are consciously being used? What does this approach mean in the context of street protests? This article attempts to address these questions to the best of its ability.
Symbols, signs, and behaviors make up the most important areas of conflict between the government and the people. The form and manner of their selection and use constitute the body of the struggle. The term “performance” has the extraordinary capacity to explain the conflicts we see in society today. On one hand, it implies “taking action,” on the other hand, it refers to the “dramatic aspect of action,” and ultimately to the “way of using individual and collective language.” People’s protests can be examined in all three meanings of the term performance.
In looking at the form of the confrontation between government and people, we are actually looking at two conflicting or opposing executions; especially if we are dealing with a government that is totalitarian and ideological to the core. Because a totalitarian government, in all aspects of individual and social life, seeks to reflect an approving image of itself. For this reason, it systematically strives to be the owner of language, thought, and body. Such a government, just like its continuous system of symbols, signs, and special behaviors, relentlessly and in a paranoid manner, tries to interpret any unconventional appearance or action in order to discover hidden aspects of resistance and rebellion.
For this reason, all behaviors and visible aspects of the conflict between the government and its protesters play a crucial role in the epic struggle and suppression on the scene.
For example, let’s look at the contrast of colors. Governmental colors versus people’s colors. Or let’s look at appearance and face as a symbolic arena of contrast. The contrast of beards versus clean-shaven faces, the contrast of black chadors versus colorful headscarves. The contrast of loose fabric pants versus tight jeans. Or let’s look at behaviors: the contrast between clenched fists and synchronized stomping. The contrast between slogans and chants in street demonstrations. These are the smallest manifestations of political and cultural contrasts between social groups.
Until recently, the main source of protest performance for Iranians in the political arena was the 1957 revolution. Whether in terms of dramatic execution or the use of language, the shadow of the February revolution was still cast over the “performance of protest”. Slogans always had a religious undertone and sometimes directly reproduced the performances of the February 57 revolution: shouting “Allahu Akbar” from rooftops, repeating revolutionary chants from 57, using hadiths (“Hayaat min al-Dhilla”, “Nasr min Allah wa Fath Qarib”, “Death to this deceitful government”), or religious figures (such as Imam Hussein), or even recreating some of the revolution’s slogans (the Basij tank is no longer effective).
In many street protests, especially in protests against economic problems, carrying a picture of Ali Khamenei or a quote from him or from Ruhollah Khomeini among the protesters was a kind of unwritten law. But what does this image tell us?
“Leotar in the “post-modern condition” explains an important rule in the politics of storytelling with an example such as the Navajo tribe of Kachina: What should a person say to be heard or, in other words, to have the right to speak and be heard?”
Liutar writes a story. The storyteller Kashinahua always begins and ends his story with a specific recognized formula: “This is the story… I have heard it. And now I will tell it to you.” But the most important part is the formula for ending the story: “Here the story… has come to an end. This is the story that I (the name of the storyteller’s tribe) have told for you.”
Among Arab tribes, it has also been a tradition that whoever intends to speak among the members of the tribe, begins their speech with their own name, their father’s name, their lineage, and finally the name of the tribe. In this way, the speaker gains the right to speak or the legitimacy of speaking by associating themselves with the tribe and the lineage, as a symbol of power and authority.
The image or speech of Ali Khamenei among the protesters has exactly this symbolic and theatrical function. By grasping this image, the protesters were trying to define themselves in confrontation with absolute power and thus obtain the right to speak, be heard, and be protected from violence and oppression. A struggle that in most cases resulted in failure.
Although this authority still has a prominent role in some parts of the executive branch, it is becoming increasingly faint. Now, gradually, people are creating their own symbols, colors, executive forms, and linguistic performances. In the issue of fighting against mandatory hijab, we are protesting more than ever before, with a “performance”, a special execution that has no roots in any previous forms of protest: it is not just verbal, it does not have an aggressive or invasive form, it is open to interpretation, and has the potential for replication and creativity.
In the campaign of “soft freedoms”, we were faced with vibrant German elements. A performance that carried a story within itself: a desire for rebellion and freedom that was subtle and away from the eyes of power. This story was not only told through the image of unveiled women, but also through figurative elements and a performative action: the image of women who had taken off their headscarves with a specific gesture and let them be carried away by the wind. It could be said that “soft freedoms” was the first protest movement after the revolution that was completely based on performative and theatrical aspects. In other words, this form of protest was singular and not its content. And for this reason, most criticisms of this protest movement were focused on its form rather than its content. The most important debates were about the title of the campaign and the way the protest against compulsory hijab was “performed”. This movement had (albeit half-heartedly) put its performative elements in contrast
In the White Wednesdays campaign, we are faced with a unique form of protest: although a common pattern (a white scarf or dress) has connected all protesters, in the videos they share, each one explains their relationship with oppression in their own language and from a unique position; as a result, we are confronted with thousands of personal stories that bring up a collective issue. And most importantly, this campaign challenges the authority of the government in its most important position, in the public sphere.
Finally, the girls of our revolution put us in front of a flawless execution. An execution that can only be called “Cheriki Theater”. (2) A performance that adapts the tactics and goals of Cheriki struggle and revives them in a peaceful form. Cheriki Theater uses tactics such as surprise attacks, utilizing local and regional resources, and unpredictable movements to take over the public space and public opinion. Therefore, Cheriki Theater can be understood in connection with the concept of “temporary autonomous zones” by Hakim Bey (3). A Cheriki performance appears in a surprising moment and takes back a part of the public space from the ruling authority and temporarily liberates it. Then it disappears and reappears in another unexpected place and region. The girls of the revolution were the initiators of these temporary autonomous zones. They occupy a platform, a pedestrian path, a square, a concrete block, and turn them into temporary autonomous zones. But perhaps to better understand the connection between Cher
Now let’s read a piece of “The Necessity of Armed Struggle and the Rejection of Survival Theory” in this preface.
“It is necessary to break the idea of his absolute power in destroying the enemy. The power of the revolution is at the service of this task. The implementation of this power, which in addition to its propagandistic nature, is accompanied by separate political propaganda on a large scale, makes the proletariat aware of its own source of strength. It first realizes that the enemy is vulnerable and sees that the strong wind that has risen leaves no room for the absolute rule of the enemy. If this “absolute” is challenged in action, it cannot continue to exist in his mind. From now on, he thinks of a force that has started his liberation. Alienation from his predecessors gives way to the support he has found within himself. Now these revolutionary predecessors are only distant from him, but they are no longer strangers to him. He thinks of them with interest, not only because he sees a small group falling into the trap of a large enemy for their own interests, but more because he feels a direct
This is exactly what happens with the girls of the revolution and is replicated in the protests of the workers of Khuzestan steel. It spreads the idea of observation and participation. Now the people and merchants of the city of Daran are officially launching a show in front of the governorate of Faridan: spreading empty tables where they sit and eat empty bread. The farmers of Varzaneh also take over Friday prayers and this time they take the execution one step further: they sit with their backs to the Imam of Friday prayers.
On the other hand, in recent workers’ protests, in the slogan “Death to the worker, hail to the oppressor”, we are faced with another form of execution. The appropriation and manipulation of “linguistic performance” by the government, twisting, diverting, reversing, and using it against the government. The slogan “Death to…” and “Hail to…” which has been the cloud structure of political discourse supporting the government, has been seized by the workers and used in a satirical manner against the government itself. The worker who desires their own death and sends greetings to their oppressor, creates a dramatic and ironic situation. They have emptied this structure of “Death to…” and “Hail to…” of its usual function. However, the bitter message behind this slogan is quickly understood. They have not created their protest in the form of “imitation” of the government’s discourse, but have built their own execution on toppling or overturning this structure. In this
We are facing the tactic of détournement (4), which was first brought to attention by the Lettrists and Situationists. They define détournement as “the integration of past and present artistic productions towards the creation of a superior social environment. In this sense, no longer will painting or music have a situationist meaning, but only the use of situationist tools will have meaning. In a more basic sense, détournement is a method of propaganda within the decaying walls of old culture, a method that exposes the decay and insignificance of these walls.” Douglas Holt defines détournement as “the use of capitalist system phrases and media culture against the system itself.” However, chanting slogans such as “Death to the worker, hail to the oppressor” during Friday prayers, goes beyond such tactics and becomes a theatrical act. What happened during Friday prayers was a turning point in the political maturity of the Iranian working class, a deeply dramatic act and a takeover of the stage of
We see that from carrying the image of the leader of the government to recent protests, there has been a profound transformation in the form and content of protest execution in Iran. We can boldly say that a conscious attention to the method of execution (in all the meanings that the word “performance” implies) and its independence from the identity-building elements of the government and the 57 Revolution, is a prominent feature of the ongoing protests in Iran. Let us not forget that the flag bearers of today’s struggles in Iran are women, workers, teachers, and farmers. Perhaps nothing can demonstrate the division between the most oppressed sectors of Iranian society and the discourse of the government and the discourse of the Islamic Revolution as clearly as this. But what does this emphasis on execution and performative elements in the context of political and social relations in Iran mean?
It is enough to look at the propaganda system of the Iranian government in the past forty years to see the clear dominance of performative and ritualistic elements. From the display of the Sacred Defense, to the constant presence of the nation on the scene, from children being blessed by Khomeini’s hand, to Basijis marching to visit his shrine; from synchronized fists and chants during Friday prayers, to security maneuvers; from the epic battles of Ansar Hezbollah to the controversies surrounding Khomeini’s final speeches; from public executions and floggings to nightly recitations of the Leader’s poetry – we are dealing with a government that has turned performance into the essence of its political behavior. And it is for this very reason that what has served as a tool for oppression for decades, has now become an opportunity for resistance.
Notes:
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تجسم
Embodiment
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“Cheriki Theater” is not a new concept in the realm of political activism, but it may be a neglected concept in today’s struggle. The article “Street Museum” by Abbie Hoffman, translated by the author and published on the Shizokalt website in 2009, is the first and perhaps only text in Persian that specifically addresses Cheriki Theater. In 2013, I conducted a workshop at the Theater Institute called “Street Museum: Radical Theater” in a cautious manner. Some of the participants of that workshop have later had experiences in this field. In Iran, there are only a few examples of Cheriki Theater before the revolution, which I have discussed in detail in an article. After the revolution, a performance by A. Mansouri on March 8th in Tehran’s shopping centers and a few scattered performances by Afshin Shafiei in Isfahan and Tehran are considered good examples of Cheriki Theater. With Afshin Shafiei and
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Hakim Bay, Temporary Autonomous Zones
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Detournment
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Cheriki Theater Girls of Enghelab Street Hope Shams Nationwide protests in December peace line