“We replace cultural security with security culture.” This was a slogan that Hassan Rouhani repeatedly used during his 2013 election campaign and after his victory in the election, it became the key phrase of his government’s cultural promises. A promise that was reiterated numerous times in his speeches and by other government officials during the four years of his presidency, and it seemed to be an effort to attract the attention of citizens and present a display of change in Iran’s political and social atmosphere. One of the institutions that repeatedly emphasized this key slogan during Rouhani’s first term was the Ministry of Education; to the extent that in August 2015, the head of the Ministry of Education’s Inspection Center stated in his speech: “Based on the transformation-oriented approach of the Ministry of Education’s inspection, the power of logic has replaced the logic of power and cultural security has been replaced by security culture.”

Exactly one year later, the Minister of Education also highlighted the efforts towards cultural security at a conference discussing the achievements of the government. He mentioned that during the three years of the eleventh government, they have been working towards creating a platform for cultural experts and students to express their opinions. They have also been in communication with teacher and student organizations and have provided opportunities for participation and development in this sector.

In this regard, the latest action of Rouhani’s government in the final months of the eleventh government was the publication of the Charter of Citizens’ Rights.

Article 46 of this charter states: “It is the right of citizens to freely and in accordance with the law form associations, hold demonstrations, and participate in them, and to receive impartial treatment from the responsible authorities and protection of the security of the gatherings.”

The reference to the formation of gatherings and marches in this charter as a citizen’s right was mentioned explicitly in Article 27 of the Constitution.

In such circumstances, and despite the slogans and promises made, a look at the overall actions of the Rouhani government – at least in the field of public education and in dealing with organizations and trade activists – does not show any sign of transformation in the cultural sphere.

The government’s approach in dealing with teachers’ gatherings.

According to the writer, President Rouhani’s approach towards dealing with labor protests should be divided into two distinct periods: before and after the JCPOA (Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action).

Just one year after the start of the eleventh government, we witnessed public protests by teachers regarding their working and living conditions. With the help of social media and the expansion of social networks, peaceful and civil gatherings of educators were formed across the country.

During the years 93 and 94, before the success of President Rouhani’s government in ending international sanctions, the reactions of security institutions affiliated with the government towards labor protests were usually silence or subtle control. During these years, parallel security institutions were responsible for dealing with labor activists. Summoning and arresting labor activists began in the spring of 94 and reached its peak in the summer of the same year. In all of these cases, officials in Rouhani’s government would blame non-governmental institutions for such conditions. However, after the approval of the JCPOA, we witnessed a change in the approach of government security institutions towards labor protests. Summoning labor activists in cities and provincial centers through education and information security departments before any labor protest became practically part of the agenda of government security institutions. The peak of such a change in approach could clearly be seen in the 13th of Mehr protests this year. In almost all provinces where promotional activities were taking place for the protest, prominent labor

The government’s approach in dealing with trade unions.

While recognizing the activities of trade and civil organizations as one of the main slogans of the eleventh government, there has been no significant improvement in the activities of these organizations until six months before the 96 elections. From October 95 to December of the same year, some trade organizations in certain provinces were granted permission by the Ministry of Interior to hold their general assemblies after a ten-year hiatus. However, this permission came with restrictions, including the cancellation of the nationwide activities of the Teachers’ Trade Union of Iran and limiting its activities to Tehran province. While this legal right is still denied to some well-established trade unions such as the Teachers’ Union of Hamedan, the elections for these organizations are still awaiting approval from the Ministry of Interior after about a year.

On the other hand, during these years, despite the efforts of trade unions in negotiation and interaction with government institutions, the general approach was to maintain a clear distance from civil institutions. In fact, during the four years of the eleventh government, trade unions never had the opportunity to meet with educational officials independently, and there was never a possibility for any teacher, political, or trade union organization to meet with the eleventh government’s president. On the other hand, there was a constant disregard for the demands put forth by trade unions and activists, especially in the fields of trade and education, and the issue of the education budget remained a consistent policy of government officials during these four years.

Based on such performance, it can be said that the slogans and promises of Rouhani’s government during the eleventh term have been more of an electoral show in the cultural sphere than anything else. Approaches that seem to be pursued more clearly in the twelfth term.