When I was reading the novel “Thursday Train” (1) by Anisa Dehghani, I came across a strange question: “It is possible to endure pain that is unique to you, but how can you endure pain that you must share with someone else?” “Thursday Train” delves into the lives of Iranians in the years after the revolution, but the question it raises leads to understanding and comprehending the suffering of “others” and “others”. How to endure the pain that we share with others or understand the suffering that others go through and fight to alleviate it, is one of the main themes of social movements that have taken place in Iran after the revolution. Each successful step of the people in this field narrows the space for the Islamic Republic; friendship, empathy, and solidarity of various social forces are the Achilles heel of the government. In the chaotic market of occasional petty conflicts, the necessity of understanding the suffering of the Bahais, which has been ignored for years

Bahá’ís have achieved this public recognition through their steadfastness, activity, and unity. They have faced isolation in the 1960s and abandoning it during the period of reforms, to the closing of space in the 1980s, the Green Movement of 2009, and the unprecedented discrimination of the present. Through their sacrifices, hardships, and perseverance, the Bahá’í community has become an integral and undeniable part of the popular movement in Iran, and is also facing the same fate. This is why the Islamic Republic not only blocks the means of livelihood for Bahá’ís and sends them to prison, but also has no qualms about interfering in the smallest aspects of their lives, such as attending a restaurant or gathering.

The decade of the sixties, known as the decade of slaughter, purges, lies and isolation of the Baha’is. Throughout the decade, the Islamic Republic implemented various policies to separate the Baha’is from other people of Iran. This included government officials and religious agents who consciously or unconsciously tried to uproot the Baha’is from their geographical roots and force them to relocate. (2) Those in power, although seemingly divided into two groups, “Imam’s Line” and “Hojatieh,” had no differences and both carried historical and religious animosities and inherited endless enmities towards the Baha’is. The Imam’s Line used political reasons to incite hatred towards the Baha’is, while the Hojatieh used religious reasons, but both agreed on the necessity of limiting and oppressing the Baha’is. The Baha’is were denied the right to education, government jobs, passports, and the ability to

In the 1970s, the arrests and executions of Baha’is decreased. The Baha’is themselves, after a difficult period, had adapted to the new situation. While before the revolution, Baha’is could be found in all levels of society, from highly educated individuals to farmers and workers, in the 1970s, almost all Baha’is were engaged in independent professions and mostly as workers (not capitalists). The shadow of oppression and suspicion had become lighter; although the legal status of Baha’is had not changed compared to the 1960s and they were still deprived of many citizenship rights. The atmosphere in the 1970s had become more open and social forces, which until then had been trapped in the walls of government, were gradually opening up. Baha’is were braver than before and would mingle with people, and people would also interact with Baha’is more openly. The ice was breaking, but occasionally the voices

In the 1980s, Baha’is were striving to have more contact with the larger society. With the expansion of grassroots organizations (semenas), all those interested in activism and did not want to work under government agencies and under the command of the government, found a way to be active; Baha’is were no exception. The most important condition for the government for these organizations was their non-political nature. By guaranteeing non-involvement in politics, these organizations were able to swallow up the large force that had gathered behind the government’s barriers, and some Baha’is joined this wave as well. One of the most successful activities of these organizations was in the Bam earthquake and providing assistance to earthquake victims. It was not strange to see people from different social groups – including Baha’is – working together for a common civil goal. It is also worth mentioning that although Baha’is did not have a role in the Green Movement of 2009

The 1990s, known as the decade of constant turmoil for the civil society and its active groups, including the Baha’is and their resistance against paralyzing oppression. As the popularity of the Baha’is grew, the executive, intelligence, and security organizations increased their pressure on the Baha’i community; a policy that continues to this day and intensifies with each passing day. (3) The government, frustrated with its inability to effectively suppress the Baha’i community, focused its efforts on expanding religious apartheid, severing ties between the Baha’is and the larger Iranian society, and encouraging Baha’is to migrate. In response, the Iranian civil society sees itself under oppression and looks to the Baha’is as an example of how to resist and survive in deadly conditions. The reciprocal relationship between the Iranian civil society and the Baha’i community is the main reason for the Islamic Republic’s crackdown on the Baha’is. The government is well

Notes:

“Nakja” publishing has released “Thursday Train” in France.

2- In a historical film, the Bahais of Kata village and its surroundings in Kohgiluyeh and Boyer-Ahmad, while taking refuge in a temporary camp near Isfahan, talk about the attack on their homes and their expulsion from their ancestral land. This video is from Shahrivar 1358 and on the platform.

YouTube

Titled “Another in Their Own Land: The Events of the Baiyani People in the Village of Kata in Boyer-Ahmad 1358,” it is accessible.

3- When Fariba Kamalabadi, one of the managers of the Baha’i community – known as the Yaran-e Iran – was released on furlough from prison in 1395 (2016), people like Nasrin Sotoudeh, Mohammad Ali Amouei, Sajedeh Arab-Sorkhi, Bahman Ahmadi Amouei, Zhila Bani-Yaghoub, Reza Khandan, Faizeh Hashemi (each representing a part of Iranian civil society) and others went to visit her. Mrs. Kamalabadi is now in prison with Mrs. Mahvash Sabet and has the support of almost all the groups inside the prison.