The relationship between students and the Ministry of Science has undergone many changes in the past years and has ranged from cooperation to complete conflict. To understand the current situation of the university, it is necessary and essential to examine the past of this relationship.

During the presidency of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, it was a period of settling accounts between the Islamic Republic and the students. The right-wing faction, which had lost the university environment to rival groups for years and always saw the university as a potential threat, began a project to weaken the university under the leadership of Kamran Daneshju and Zahedi, the ministers of the ninth and tenth governments. From the very beginning of Kamran Daneshju’s work, he promised to deal with the opponents in the confidence vote session in the Islamic Consultative Assembly: “I have a mission on behalf of the Islamic Republic system; therefore, I will not allow any anti-system activities in the university.” After he took office, the Islamic associations, which were the main base of student activists, were quickly attacked in an organized manner, to the point that they were practically unable to operate. Disciplinary committees made maximum efforts to increase the cost of non-self forces. The number of star students and those deprived of

The student Basij (a paramilitary organization in Iran) was strengthened by the removal of traditional power institutions and for years served as the arm of authority in universities. Students were not the only victims of the current situation. A large number of experienced and prominent professors of universities, such as Hatem Ghaderi, Hossein Bashiriye, and Mohsen Kadoor, were expelled or forced into retirement under false pretenses. Kamran Daneshju, the then Minister of Science, had clearly stated: “The university is not a place for professors who want to act against the Islamic Republic system and the desires of the people during the 9 Dey and 22 Bahman demonstrations.”

In general, it can be said that during this period, the university had turned into a rent-seeking institution that divided power among its supported forces, and positions such as faculty chairs, scholarships, and monopolies in student activities were all tools for rewarding oneself, and the Ministry of Science was responsible for distributing this bounty.

After the start of President Rouhani’s term in 1392, hope and optimism returned to the university, albeit briefly. The temporary leadership of Jafar Tofiqi and the Ministry of Faraji Dana created hope among students that with the reopening of Islamic associations, the balance of power in universities would once again be in their favor. The pursuit of illegal scholarships during Ahmadinejad’s administration and the persecution of star students were issues that gained the support of the majority of students. They showed their support through statements, collecting signatures, and organizing campaigns, among other actions, against the then Minister of Science. However, this optimism did not last long and with the increase of tension between the Ministry of Science and the conservative Parliament, and the impeachment of the minister, all the progress made during this period was lost. The majority of illegal scholarships were never demanded back and a large number of the 126 star students who returned to university in 92 faced the closure of their academic files.

It seemed that the Ministry of Education had surrendered to the approaches of external security institutions and did not prioritize the university government. These events were the first serious rifts between the government and the student movement, creating a rift that later led to complete separation between the university and the moderate government with events such as the Bloody November and the downing of Flight 752 in Ukraine.

One of the positive points that began during the tenure of Faraji Dana and continued later in the ministry of Mohammad Farhadi was the reopening of Islamic associations in universities. However, it should be noted that student organizations were never able to have the same impact as before, and their activities were always closely monitored and controlled by university management, cultural officials, and in some cases, the disciplinary committee. This control extended from issuing permits for speakers to even the smallest details of their programs. Additionally, the Ministry of Science never accepted requests that posed a greater risk for the ministry, such as the establishment of student unions, and for years, the efforts of student activists in this regard remained fruitless.

The second term of the presidency of Hassan Rouhani can be considered as the end of hope for student activists in government reforms and their passage from the moderate government. Mansour Gholami was appointed as the Minister of Science while many students had serious doubts about his abilities to lead this ministry. In December 2017, with the growing unrest among the student community, they also rose up in support of the protests and a gathering was held on January 1st against the government’s economic policies at the University of Tehran. At the same time, in an unprecedented move, dozens of trade union activists were “preemptively arrested”. According to Parvaneh Salahshouri, the number of arrests was more than 150, of which at least 17 were convicted in court and some received long sentences. Students of the Faculty of Social Sciences at the University of Tehran announced that they will not participate in exams in protest against the issued sentences until the officials of the Ministry of Science answer their questions

In 98, with the society becoming more inflamed, it seemed that the Ministry of Science was preparing to suppress the universities. In April of that year, a new disciplinary regulation was approved, which left the hands of university officials free to deal with what was called student violations in the virtual space. In the face of widespread protests by students, the Ministry of Science stated in a statement defending this regulation: “There is no specific change regarding the virtual space and currently disciplinary councils in universities enter into clear violations in the virtual space that have a private complainant, and this is not a new issue.”

There is no accurate statistics on the number of students arrested in November 2019, but according to the Student Guilds Channel, only between forty to fifty students were arrested on November 29 during university protests. Private security forces, with several ambulances, were responsible for the arrest of these students. After this incident, the confrontation between students and officials of the Ministry of Science and government officials was so negative and infuriating that on December 7, the President refused to risk attending any university.

This course can undoubtedly be considered as the end of the university’s reliance on government reforms, which marked a new chapter in student activities. Perhaps the main reason for this issue should be sought in the government’s performance, which has never been able to understand that the support of the people and students is based on a contract, not an obligation.

Pressure on universities quickly increased after the establishment of the Ibrahim Raisi government. This government has heavily invested its resources and power in suppressing universities. The first step of the Ministry of Science in the twelfth government was the change of more than seventy university presidents. These changes began with the dismissal of Mahmoud Nili, the president of the University of Tehran. He was fired one day after requesting the release of a student who was imprisoned at the University of Tehran. He was replaced by Mohammad Moghimi, a person whose academic resume and executive abilities are subject to serious doubt and criticism. Among his articles, titles such as “Martyr Dr. Chamran, a model for the style of autocratic management” and “A comparative approach to Imam Ali’s command to Malik al-Ashtar” stand out. The Minister of Science claimed that political preferences have no role in the change and appointment of university presidents, but all the new presidents are from radical fundamentalist groups and many have a long

With extensive management changes by the Ministry of Science, the way was opened for security forces to be present at the university; forces that had no qualms about threatening and intimidating students and used it as a common policy. The disciplinary committee also suspended and condemned many student activists with arbitrary summons and false excuses such as not adhering to the moral charter. For example, Masoumeh Esmaeili, the cultural deputy of Allameh Tabatabai University, in a meeting with members of the Free Thinkers Association of this university, after threatening students with expulsion and emphasizing that “I am proudly a security agent”, demanded a list of all activists and members of the association and after the resistance of association members, three people were summoned to the disciplinary committee.

Under the shadow of the new management, the university’s security and disciplinary measures have been greatly intensified and they have not made any effort to confront student activists. In one instance, the secretary of the Islamic Association of the University of Science and Industry was pursued by physical security officers after distributing a statement protesting the behavior of the university’s security and safety. After being severely beaten in the university courtyard, his statements were recorded. The day after the incident, he and two other members of the association were summoned to the disciplinary committee and were suspended for two terms. After a protest rally against the actions of the university’s security, eight other students were also summoned to the disciplinary committee.

Harsh encounters of security and regulations are not limited to student activists, but all students, especially women, are the main victims of the new policies of the Ministry of Science. In many universities, security forces such as the Guidance Patrol, riding on motorbikes, control the dress and communication of students, and strict regulations have been imposed on the movements of dormitory students, which affects women the most. More than 120 student activists condemned this practice in a statement, stating:

“And as for female students; we witness the elimination of women in society and in government decisions due to gender segregation and the implementation of patriarchal policies… In universities, with the segregation of scientific, research, welfare, and sports facilities and interference in clothing and lifestyle, half of the student population has been deprived of advancement and progress… Dormitories have essentially become prisons to control the bodies and minds of students, especially female students, and violate their citizenship rights in the most oppressive way possible.”

After the start of protests against the murder of Mahsa Amini in the detention of the Basij forces, the suppression in universities has reached a new stage. University officials, who were shocked by the extent and intensity of the protests, paved the way for security forces to suppress the university more than ever before. Many students were arrested during student gatherings or afterwards, and security forces abducted some activists from their homes or dormitories. The use of tear gas and paintball or pellet bullets in attacks on universities and dormitories has become a normal occurrence, and there are many cases where security forces have surrounded and entered the university, making the situation even more difficult for students. All of these actions have been carried out with the full cooperation of the Ministry of Science and the university’s management and security team. Mohammad Ali Kamfirouzi, a lawyer for some of the detained students who is currently in detention himself, said in an interview with Ensaf News about the current situation:

“In recent days, security, semi-security, and even military forces have repeatedly attacked university campuses. You have probably heard the news. They detain students in front of the university or dormitories. They try to lure students out of their dorms or universities with various tricks and arrest them. There have even been reports of clashes at some universities, and this tragedy is happening with the cooperation and assistance of the university’s security and officials. In some cases, we hear strange coordination between university officials and security forces, as if the university officials have become puppets of security institutions, which is a great stain on the independence of the university.”

Collaboration of security forces in universities is not a new issue; however, the dimensions of this collaboration have taken on a new scale in the current situation, and the Ministry of Science and its subordinates have practically cooperated with security institutions in the process of detention, prosecution, and intimidation of thousands of students. Another important point is that unlike the past, university presidents and officials of the Ministry of Science do not even try to deny the entry of security forces into the university, which is used as a tool to threaten students. Zolfi-Gol, among the students of Sharif University during the siege and attack on this university, addressed the students, saying, “Do not follow the law, you have to pay the price. We have no courtesy. Go out and let them deal with you, we can’t do anything.” Mohammad Moghimi also bizarrely explained in a statement to the students, “The entry of plainclothes into the University of Tehran was present in the

The Ministry of Science has also adopted other methods in suppressing students. A large number of students have been expelled or suspended by disciplinary committees, and in some universities, a system of surveillance cameras has been installed, effectively creating a prison-like environment. Hundreds of students have been banned from entering the university or dormitories, and university security has set up security gates to prevent their entry, and in some cases, they have even resorted to spying on students’ personal belongings. Security forces have been replaced in many universities, and students have been able to uncover the involvement of new security members in special units. On the other hand, the Ministry of Science has drafted a new disciplinary code without the presence of student representatives and has imposed it on universities, which violates the most basic rights of students, such as the principle of innocence, the right to be heard, transparency in proceedings, and so on.

It seems that after the failure of the usual repressive policies in universities, security forces are now only seeking to establish an atmosphere of terror and fear in the university courtyard and trying to silence them by blindly using violence, which targets all students regardless of their past activities and political orientation. The Ministry of Science has also completely left their hands free in this regard and no longer pretends to support the university. The statement of Sharif University students about the events of the attack on this university accurately depicts this terrifying atmosphere:

It seems like the enemy is wandering in the city and looking for a victim. Tears and crying are the least thing seen among students; especially among the freshmen who are experiencing their second day at university, they are more afraid of this situation and have no idea what to do.

The current situation in Iranian universities is undoubtedly one of the most organized and harshest examples of student suppression, not only in the history of Iran but also in the entire world. The Ministry responsible for safeguarding the interests of students and universities has turned into a contractor for security forces in suppressing universities and has ruthlessly attacked the very essence of the university. However, the university does not lose hope and courageously continues on its path. This marks the beginning of a new chapter in the history of student activism in Iran. A fresh blood flows through the veins of the university, making change inevitable and promising a different future.