Simin Rouzgar

“Conquering the collective memory is an action that many ideological governments have undertaken in order to impose their desired narrative of history. Milan Kundera, in one of his famous stories called “The Unbearable Lightness of Being,” writes: “The struggle of man against power is the struggle of memory against forgetting.” This renowned Czech writer also says in a conversation about forgetting: “Forgetting, which is always present, strives to make us helpless and defeated by reflecting on our personal and collective past. Forgetting is a force capable of destroying everything, and today political powers know very well how to take advantage of it.”

The mass executions of the summer of 1367 (1988) are among the events that not only the Islamic Republic government has never clarified, but in the past three decades, it has always tried to destroy evidence and documents of that massacre in various ways. On the eve of the 30th anniversary of the 67 massacre, two international human rights organizations have announced in a joint statement that their investigations show that the Iranian government is deliberately destroying the mass graves of the victims of this massacre. Reza Cemetery in Mashhad (Khorasan Razavi), Abadan Cemetery in Ahvaz (Khuzestan), Valley of Mercy Cemetery in Tabriz (East Azerbaijan), Javidan Garden Cemetery in Khavaran (Tehran), Tazeh Abad Cemetery in Rasht (Gilan), Cemetery adjacent to the Baha’i Cemetery in Sanandaj (Kurdistan) and the land located at the site of the former Revolutionary Court building in Sanandaj (K

International forgiveness and justice for Iran, this behavior of the Islamic Republic has been described as “forced disappearance” which is considered a “crime” in international law. In this regard, we had a conversation with Reza Behrani, a researcher at Amnesty International and Shadi Sadr, the founder of Justice for Iran, and asked these two lawyers about the details of the destruction of mass graves in Iran and the motives of the perpetrators.

Raha Bahreini discusses the reasons for researching these specific mass graves and the estimated time of their destruction in relation to the peace process: “In this report, we focused on seven mass graves, but it should be noted that according to Justice for Iran’s research, there are likely over 120 mass graves scattered throughout Iran where the remains of executed prisoners from 1988 may be found. Due to the difficulty of conducting research in this area, we only focused on these seven mass graves, which were chosen because they were more accessible for information and also to demonstrate the geographical dispersion and widespread nature of this issue. We also examined the various methods of destruction used on these graves. Our research shows that over the past three decades, Iranian authorities have consistently disrespected and desecrated these sites, preventing families from gathering there and adorning them with flowers, plants, and commemorative messages. However, the destruction that we have documented in this report, which has led to the complete disappearance of

Shadi Sadar also emphasizes that the number of mass graves and graves being destroyed in Iran is more than seven, and says in line with peace: “For various reasons, in this report – which is part of a more comprehensive research – we only focused on these seven locations, but destruction is also ongoing in other places, as mentioned in this report. For example, one of the places that we did not discuss in this report, but have conducted extensive research on and will publish a report in the future, is Rudsar, where there is a mass grave (in a street that leads to the Caspian Sea) and they are currently building a commercial complex.”

Mrs. Sadr talks about the destructive methods used by the Iranian government: “Various methods have been used for destruction. One of the most common methods has been to sell the land if it was on the outskirts of a public cemetery, and in recent years, with the increase in population and need for new spaces in the cemetery, they have come and poured soil over mass graves, created new graves, and sold them to people. This was done without the knowledge of those who dispose of their loved ones in that place. This is one of the most common methods mentioned in this report, and I can specifically mention the high cemetery in Zanjan and Dar al-Rahma in Shiraz. Another method is to build buildings and streets on these places, essentially turning these graves into part of the city space. This action has also been taken without the knowledge of people who use these urban spaces or without giving families the right to preserve these graves. In this regard, I can specifically mention Sanand

This is a caption

این یک عنوان است.

This is a caption.
The yellow circles in this satellite image show the location of mass graves on the outskirts of the Behesht Reza Cemetery in Mashhad – Photo by Amnesty International.

Shadi Sadar adds about the estimated time of the beginning of these destructions: “The common point in all of these places is that the authorities of the Islamic Republic have done everything to not only prevent ordinary people from being informed, but also to prevent families from gathering in these places and going to the graves of their loved ones and leaving a sign. By destroying the stones and small signs or pouring water in these places (like what has happened repeatedly in Mashhad), they have tried to erase these places from the collective memory of society. This issue has been present from the beginning and it has never been possible for families to freely go to these places and hold ceremonies. However, in my opinion, since the late 1970s or early 1980s, this issue has taken on other dimensions. This means that the destruction is not limited to just erasing the memorials and signs that families have placed in these places, or making it more difficult for families to travel to these places

The researcher of Amnesty International, in response to the question of why the behavior of the Iranian government has been referred to as enforced disappearances in the published report, says: “The legal analysis of Amnesty International and justice for Iran is that the executed victims of the 1967 massacre are considered to be forcibly disappeared because in the past three decades, the authorities of the Islamic Republic of Iran have concealed the fate and burial place of these victims. Concealing the fate of these individuals means that the executions were only verbally announced to their families and the circumstances surrounding their deaths were never clarified. Furthermore, we have never seen a case where the body of an executed person was handed over to their family, and in most cases, the burial place was not disclosed to the families. They have also attempted to create doubts about the burial place in various ways, and currently, they are destroying the same locations where it is possible that prisoners were buried. All of these actions, together, lead us to the legal conclusion

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این عنوانی برای تصویر است.

This is a caption for the image.
Based on satellite images of the Valley of Mercy Cemetery in Tabriz, graves have gradually been covered with concrete over time – photo from Amnesty International.

Mrs. Behrani emphasizes that: “According to international laws, the disappearance of individuals in this manner is considered an international crime and this crime is also a continuing crime; meaning that as long as the fate and whereabouts of the disappeared person are not determined, this crime is not related to 30 years ago and is considered a current or up-to-date crime and is traceable. In terms of legal actions, I must also mention that to date, the UN Working Group on Enforced Disappearances has expressed its opinion in two cases and has accepted the raised complaints as admissible complaints; regarding the complaint of Rahileh Rahmani Pour (which is not related to the mass murder of her cousin in 1967, but is a similar case where the death has been announced but the burial place has not been declared and the body has not been returned to the family) and Maryam Akbari Monfared (regarding the burial place of her executed sister and brother), a

Shadi Sadar discusses to what extent governments can manipulate the collective memory of a successful society and whether the new generation has a true understanding of the executions of the 1960s or knows much about it at all. She says, “The main issue is that when it comes to the atrocities that happened in the 1960s, particularly the mass executions of political prisoners, we are only faced with one or a few limited cases – which we call crimes against humanity. There are numerous cases that have not been properly addressed. Furthermore, the Islamic Republic has always tried to censor and erase the history of this decade, particularly the victims or those who were killed for their opposition or differing views from the government. The work they have done with the bodies of these individuals (burying them in mass graves and currently destroying these graves) is part of a larger project of censorship, erasure, and elimination of Iran’s history. Another thing they have done is present a fabricated and manipulated version of history

Mrs. Sadr continues: “These mass graves have had different effects in other countries; meaning that after opening them one by one and identifying the victims, their stories are broadcasted at a national level and create serious discussions. In Spain, seventy years after the atrocities of the Franco era, which resulted in the deaths of hundreds of thousands of people and their burial in mass graves, the grandchildren of the victims came forward and said that we want to know the truth about the history and events that have happened. This movement continued by opening the mass graves and sharing the stories that had happened in every corner of the country, even in small villages. These stories came out one by one, were discussed in the media, and led to debates on how we should confront past crimes. These debates resulted in the creation of a law called Historical Memory, which, despite criticisms, is unique in its kind. The Historical Memory Law in Spain obligates the government to take specific actions to record and preserve historical memory and

Raha Bahreini also says: “I believe that protecting this history, which is a part of a country’s heritage and needs to be studied to prevent the repetition of crimes, requires a constant movement and struggle. For example, in the case of Iran, for 30 years, the authorities of the Islamic Republic of Iran have tried to erase this memory from the collective consciousness and portray it as if these people did not exist and this massacre did not happen. On the other hand, families have been fighting, resisting, and remembering for 30 years. Following them, human rights activists have been researching the 1967 massacre and preserving the memory of those who were executed in an extrajudicial manner by holding annual memorials and ceremonies outside the country. The events of the past few years show that although this struggle has been difficult and unequal, victory belongs to those who seek truth and justice. Today, more than a decade after the Iranian society learned about the 1967 massacre,