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Delbar Tavakoli

The echoes of workers’ slogans in the streets of Shush and Ahvaz in the months of Aban and Azar of this year, twisted: “They took Ismail, we are all part of it” and “Inflation and high prices, Rouhani answer”. These protests gradually took on a wider form, as the workers of Haft Tappeh Sugar Industry and National Iranian Steel Company (Ahvaz) took to the streets to protest against privatization and unpaid wages. During these protests, several workers, including Ismail Bakhshi and Moslem Azmand, representatives of Haft Tappeh workers and senior members of the Haft Tappeh Sugar Industry Workers Union, were arrested. These arrests were met with a wave of public protests and support for the workers. Ismail Bakhshi was released, but many workers are still in detention. The workers of Haft Tappeh demand that the factory be managed by a council and that workers have a primary

What are the root causes of the widespread protests and strikes by workers in recent months, especially the protests of Haft Tappeh and steel workers?

The roots of these labor strikes go back to the economic and social conditions of Iranian society and are older than the recent months and even years that we may look at. This issue has no roots other than economic problems. In fact, these protests did not happen suddenly.

But we have heard a lot that these protests happened in a short period of time and due to the high price of the dollar.

Anyone who says “suddenly” was probably asleep. The root of these protests dates back to the time of Hashemi Rafsanjani, when the results of the harmful and oppressive policies of structural adjustment began to emerge. From that time on, the working class was increasingly faced with the daily problems caused by structural adjustment and the adoption of neoliberal economic policies. Unemployment, low wages, job insecurity, workplace pressures, and the lack of the right to form unions were all the foundations of workers’ protests. Of course, during Rafsanjani’s presidency, he was able to create a superficial boom in industries, construction, and service sectors by taking out large loans. However, these loans gradually increased and economic pressures also increased, to the point that Iran’s economy became one of the most indebted in the world in relation to its gross domestic product. When a temporary boom occurred, protests did not take shape in response to these problems and were not possible. During that time, in order to

But did this process not continue?

Yes, in the following periods, the problems of the working class became apparent. In the first period of Khatami’s presidency, relative reconsiderations were made regarding structural adjustment policies, but in the second period, Khatami forgot all of these and his satisfaction was with superficial political reforms. After Khatami, Ahmadinejad was able to gain the trust of some people due to the promises he made and the actions he took during his time as mayor – meaning he had used the city’s budget and made payments – and he was able to win the vote. But in the midst of all this, the people forgot Ahmadinejad’s main mission.

What was Ahmadinejad’s mission and how did it negatively impact the lives of the working class?

His mission was to transfer a large portion of resources to the institutions and empower the organizations that were targeted. These institutions felt that in previous periods, they had been left behind and wanted a larger share. Ahmadinejad’s mission was to take on a new layer of social management and transfer the capital to them. He came to the field with populist slogans in the field of income distribution. In fact, Ahmadinejad’s victory was a reaction to the limitations imposed during Khatami’s second term. But again, dissatisfactions arose because Ahmadinejad’s main mission prevented fair distribution of resources in favor of the working class, who did not even have access to their basic needs. He maintained a favorable appearance for the deprived class in the first few years with all the right-wing policies he had, but in the following years, he also suppressed the working class. This confrontational approach led to dissatisfaction and the incident of Khatoon Abad occurred, where workers were met with force. Let us

How much did economic sanctions affect the spread of these strikes?

In recent years, when the new intervention of the United States in Iran’s economy was raised and it was done by increasing the level and scope of sanctions, the problems and protests of the working class reached a new peak. Disorder and deprivation spread among the working class, unemployment reached close to 6 million people, some members of parliament talk about 8-9 million, but the government wanted it to be around 3 million. My estimate was that unemployment reached 5 to 7 million and gradually increased. We have more than 3 million unemployed workers and in the past 2-3 years, the minimum wage was always insufficient and unfair and was not determined by the presence of real representatives of the working class. The minimum wage in these years was always behind the pressure of inflation and the result was that about 50% of the country’s workers were below the absolute poverty line. With the pressures that emerged after the sanctions and started with the devaluation of the national currency, this absolute

Why from seven hills?

It was completely expected; as it is a large industrial agricultural complex with seven hills and 5,000 workers. They have a history of cooperation and protest. More informed forces were present in the sugar industry sector, their connections with external sectors, intellectuals, students, and social activists were established and that was the beginning, which quickly took on a widespread form and in other places such as Arak and Khorasan, examples of dissatisfaction and protest emerged. Of course, the government dealt with each of these in a particular way. In fact, the policy of “fresh bread and sugar” was intertwined and carried out with calculated measures. The result was that protests about the workers of the seven hills seemingly stopped, but its roots are still alive. Regarding the steel workers, these protests continue due to the fact that 41 of their colleagues were arrested. Their demands have turned from labor-related to political demands. They are demanding the release of their colleagues.

In your opinion, are we facing a new generation of workers like Ismail Bakhsi who can successfully guide workers to achieve their demands?

Every geographical area and work environment is different from others, but it is not the case that the presence of teachers is forgotten. It is not at all that there is separation and disconnection between these workers and their previous generations. You see that retired workers have protested. This new generation of workers had a connection with their past experiences. Labor activists were interested in studying and had a serious connection with intellectuals. The connection with social issues is a need for the working class. It has always been the case that existing powers (powers that come along and put a stick in the wheel of workers) try to suppress protests. In the past, this would take the form of a classic trade union or in connection with a few left-wing parties, but now in the absence of a union, it is natural for measures to be taken to find other connections and to be organized in a semi-hidden manner in order to reach a stage of widespread protest. Eighty percent of these protests go back to past measures and

The demand of the workers of Haft Tapeh for privatization and the formation of a council to manage the factory and its exit from the private sector, how much can it be responsive to solving their livelihood problems?

Labor protests and strikes, if they reach a mature stage, have three potential horizons. The first horizon is the demands of the trade and profession, and the second horizon is political; for example, the demand to eliminate privatization and fight against the corruption of managers, which has been the main cause of workers’ deprivation. Also, the issue of freeing political prisoners, especially workers, gradually becomes more prominent and this is why the protests become deeper. The third horizon is the ideal horizon, where the idea of forming a council is brought up. However, workers have learned from experience that a specific industrial unit cannot impose its ideal horizon in isolation. Participants in protests become tired and lose their motivation, but this does not mean that these horizons should be forgotten or ignored. They are a source of inspiration, but staying stagnant on the ideal horizon means that the trade demands will be sacrificed, and the movement will become weak and die out prematurely. If a large industrial unit wants to forget the ideal horizon

Does it mean that privatization creates universal development?

As I mentioned, some governments privatize, but they also support social justice policies and develop social welfare alongside privatization. However, the Rouhani government is biased towards marketization and privatization, and workers have become aware of this and have made it their goal.

We have heard a lot that the origin of these protests is from outside the country. What is your opinion?

These protests are not influenced by Tehran, Trump, America, or Mars. This is incorrect. Life itself has taught them this. The workers of Haft Tappeh and other active workers were involved. Besides the workers, intellectuals and educated individuals also saw themselves in the position of defending the rights of the hardworking.

You mentioned that lawyers and economists can work alongside labor unions in managing and advising them, and it can have positive results. In the current political and economic situation in Iran, how optimistic can we be about this happening?

This incident is not practical right now. In a situation where the name of the union and strikes are considered taboo and any mention of them is seen as promoting against the system and overthrowing it, any movement is rejected. In such a secure environment, it is impossible. But in a situation where workers can pursue not only their professional demands, but also their political demands such as the right to form unions, collective bargaining, and resistance against privatization, there is hope that a union can have economic-social consultation and legal consultation.

Thank you for the opportunity you have given me.