اسلامیThe killing of Christians after the Islamic Revolution.

Posted on October 7, 2013July 10, 2024 by admin

According to official statistics, there are three hundred thousand Christians living in Iran. Some are Assyrians and some are Armenians, but there is no data on the number of native-born Muslims who have converted to Christianity. Currently, many of these converts either practice their religion secretly or are imprisoned, or have left the country to escape heavy punishments.

In order to better understand the Iranian government’s view towards Nokishan Christians, it is necessary to pay attention to the Islamic punishment law, which has prescribed death penalty for apostasy (returning from Islam). This law discusses two types of apostates:

Natural apostate: Someone who has one Muslim parent and after reaching maturity, converts to Islam and then turns away.

2. National apostate: Someone who has non-Muslim parents but embraces faith during adolescence and then turns away from it.

In both cases, the punishment for apostasy is death, but the national apostate has a chance to repent and be granted a three-day grace period after the issuance of the verdict and recommendation for repentance. If they do not repent, the death sentence will be carried out.

Here we take a look at the biographies of several Iranian Christians who have been killed from the beginning of the revolution until now.

These adventures began in 1979…

Aristotle Kashish, a traveler, was assassinated in February 1979 in his office in Shiraz. He is the first Christian to be killed after the revolution.

Bishop Hassan Dehqani-Tafti lost his mother at the age of five and with the consent of his family, he was placed under the care and education of one of the members of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel. At the age of 18, he was baptized and took on the responsibility of being the Bishop of the Diocese of Iran. In October 1979, he and his British wife were attacked by five unknown armed men in their bedroom in Isfahan, but none of the bullets hit him. However, his wife was injured in the incident. A week after the attack, he left Iran to attend a meeting of the Anglican bishops in Cyprus and when he tried to return, the committee members prevented him from doing so. In May of the same year, his secretary was shot and severely injured.

Behram Dehghani Tafteh – Born in 1995, he returned to Iran in the summer of 1978 and started teaching economics and dramatic literature at the girls’ college in Damavand, located in north Tehran. Behram wanted to fulfill his military service through this path. In addition to teaching, he also worked part-time as a translator for the Nabk news agency. In January 1980, Behram Dehghani took a two-day trip to England.

Therefore, according to the regulations of that time, he handed over his passport to government officials 5 days before his flight in order to retrieve it at the airport on the day of his flight. However, at the airport, he was told that his name was on the “blacklist” and he was not allowed to leave the country. Bahram, who had no reason for such obstruction, was deeply saddened by the fact that his freedom had been taken away and tried to find out the reason for his passport being confiscated by going to government agencies. However, he received no response. He was only told that the problem was in Isfahan. When he went to Isfahan, he was told:

“We have no problem with you, but your father causes trouble. Tell him to hand over the church’s property to us.” Bahram protested against this injustice, but he was warned, “Be careful! You might get arrested too.” Later, his trip to England to attend his sister’s wedding was also prevented, but he continued teaching at the college. A few weeks later, on May 6, 1980, while Bahram Dehghani was returning from teaching at Damavand College, a few people stopped his car, took him to a secluded street near Tehran prison, and then shot him and threw him out of his car.”

Priest Hossein Soodmand was born in 1951 in a religious family in Mashhad. During his military service, he converted to Christianity through his friendship with a young Christian. He then married a blind Christian woman, and they had four children together. He had established a church in his home in Mashhad, which led to his arrest. After his temporary release, church leaders asked him to leave the country with his family and take charge of a church in Greece, but he declared that God had called him to serve in Iran. A few weeks later, he was asked to report to the Mashhad judiciary authorities, but there was no news for almost two weeks until his family was informed on December 3rd, 1990 that he had been imprisoned and hanged in the prison yard of Mashhad for his Christian faith, and buried in a mass grave on the outskirts of the city.

In 1969, Bishop Haik Hovsepian took over the leadership of the Church in Gorgan.

In 1982, he served as the overseer of the Assembly of Iranian Church Leaders. Bishop Haik played a key role in promoting cooperation and unity among Protestant churches in Iran, emphasizing the principle of unity within the church as the body of Christ.

After learning about the execution order for the priest Mehdi Dibaj, he made this news public in the media. The global publication of this news led to the release of the authorities of the Mehdi Dibaj government from prison. However, a few days later, the bloody body of Bishop Haik, who had been brutally murdered with stab wounds, was found in the outskirts of Tehran.

A few days after the release of Pastor Dibaj on January 19, 1994, he was kidnapped on the way to Mehrabad airport and was brutally stabbed 26 times, resulting in his death. His body was handed over to his family 12 days later at the coroner’s office. He had been the leader of the Protestant Church (Assembly of God) in Iran for many years.

The priest Tatous Mikailian was born in Tehran in 1932. He married Juliet in 1965 and became the father of three children.

He was a member of the Council of Evangelical Churches in Iran, a writer, translator, and researcher, and some considered him the most prominent translator of the Iranian Church in modern times. Throughout his life, he translated more than 60 books in the fields of spirituality and ethics. In addition to serving the Evangelical churches, after the martyrdom of Bishop Haik, he also took on the leadership of the Council of Protestant Church Youth in Iran.

On June 29, 1994, I left my house to meet someone who had introduced himself as a Christian and a priest, but he never returned. He was kidnapped and killed.

Newspaper.

Hot password print.

Holland (number 16)

Tir (month of the Iranian calendar).

Port statement.

Reflect yourself.

He had written it three years ago.

Priest.

Mikayelian.

That at the invitation of one.

Christian group.

For visit.

I have come to the Netherlands.

He had said: “The ruling regime…”

Iran is one.

Dictatorship.

Religious and…

Same as.

“Naziehast” means “she is cute.”

Dibaj was born on August 5, 1934 in Isfahan, which corresponds to the 14th of Mordad, 1313 in the Persian calendar. At the age of 14, he converted to Christianity and was immediately expelled from his father’s house. He went to Tehran and was taken in by a Christian family.

After some time, at the suggestion of evangelical leaders, he went to Beirut to study Christian theology and then traveled to India and Switzerland for advanced courses. He also stayed in Afghanistan for two years and upon returning to Iran, taught English at a technical college in Babol. In 1985, he was arrested but due to his insistence on his Christian faith and refusal to deny Christ, he was summoned to the court in Sari for trial in 1993. He presented his famous defense in court, which was also published in the London Times. The court found him guilty and sentenced him to death for apostasy. In response to this sentence, Bishop Haik Hovsepian, who was leading the Iranian churches at the time, made the world aware of this issue and shortly after, under international pressure, the authorities released him without any explanation. As a result, he was released from prison in January 1994 after 9 years and 27 days of captivity.

Mehdi Dibaj was kidnapped on June 24, 1994, while he was on his way home from attending his daughter’s birthday party at the beautiful Kalisa Garden in Karaj. He was taken by unknown individuals to the outskirts of Tehran and brutally murdered with knife wounds.

On the body, there was a handwritten note by Tatous Mikayelian, on which the address of the body’s location, Dibaj, was written. Within three days, two priests were murdered.

Mohammad Bagher Yousefi, also known as “Ravanbakhsh”, was a priest who opened his eyes to the world in 1964 in the city of Amirkola, located in the province of Mazandaran. During his military service, one day he heard the message of the Gospel in Persian through one of the Christian radio stations. He contacted the officials of that radio station and asked them his questions. They introduced him to Father Dibaj and he converted to Christianity. Later, he married with Ester Rahmaniyan from the Christian community of Nokishan in Mashhad and served in the church of Gorgan.

During the absence of the priest Dibaj, who was imprisoned for converting to Christianity, he took care of his two sons who were 14 and 16 years old at the time. After some time, he went to the city of Sari with his family and became the pastor of the Mazandaran province. On September 28, 1996, at 6 am, he left his house to perform a prayer ceremony. That same evening, his family was informed that his body had been found hanging. The government declared his death a suicide.

Qurban Dordi Turani was born in 1952, corresponding to 1331 in the Iranian calendar, in a Turkmen family in the city of Gonbad-e Kavus (a city on the eastern coast of the Caspian Sea) in Iran. He was one of eight children in the family. Years later, as a result of his friendship with a Russian Christian, he converted to Christianity and was disowned by his family. He faced multiple attacks and threats in the Turkmen port city due to his beliefs, and ultimately, in November 2005 (2 Azar 1384), he was arrested by an unknown group. They beat him and tortured him with a knife until he passed away. Then, they left his bloodied body in front of his house.

Mohammad Jabari and Mohammad Ali Jafarzadeh were killed in May 2007, and Abbas Amiri was also killed in 2008 in the city of Isfahan. He had participated in the Iran-Iraq war as a Basiji for many years and was injured there. Abbas Amiri’s wife also died three days after her husband’s murder due to injuries from being tortured by security forces.

Women in the Islamic Republic of Iran

Posted on October 6, 2013July 10, 2024 by admin

Women played a major role in the Iranian revolution against the Shah. Their reasons for opposing the Shah were similar to other social groups, including economic deprivation, political oppression, and a desire to embrace Islam in the change. The large demonstrations in the city streets were filled with middle-class and working-class women wearing headscarves as a symbol against the Pahlavi bourgeoisie or Western decadence. Many of those who wore headscarves as a symbol of protest did not expect it to one day become mandatory. The effects of the Islamic Republic’s shift on cultural and ideological issues and the definition of women’s roles were significant. However, many factors led to the Islamic Republic’s agenda to weaken women, families, and gender relations. Changes began after the death of the leader of the Iranian Revolution in 1989 and continued during the presidency of Mr. Hashemi Rafsanjani in the context of economic liberalization and integration into the global economy. During this time, Iranian civil society developed and public media

The literacy rate and education level of the middle and working classes in Iran had increased significantly during the time of the Shah. The status of urban women, in particular, had improved and the memories of this era during the Shah’s reign led to resistance against the strict Islamization. The modernization of Iran had also undoubtedly affected the expectations and enthusiasm of women in Iranian society, as well as shaping the values and perspectives of many Islamists, whether they were revolutionaries or government officials. Other factors that weakened the policies of the Islamic Republic for women emerged during the long war against Iraq. The mobilization of all Iranian men created job opportunities for educated women in the public sector of Iran, especially in the fields of health, education, and to a lesser extent, in government administration. It should be noted that these jobs were given to women who were deemed ideologically suitable, but it was the very presence of women in the public workforce that showed the will of women and the flexibility of the system. In

As a result of the activities of Islamic/feminist groups, barriers limiting women’s educational and employment progress were removed. In 1992, the Supreme Council of the Cultural Revolution approved employment policies for women, which still emphasized the importance of traditional gender roles and excluded certain jobs and professions deemed inappropriate from an Islamic perspective, while encouraging women to enter the workforce and consider their interests and needs. Women were encouraged to enter fields such as women’s medicine, pharmacy, midwifery, and laboratory work. In the 1990s, the field of law also became open to women. “Women’s legal advisors” were allowed to attend special civil courts, although women were still not allowed to become judges. About 35% of public sector employees are women, and approximately 35% of them have university degrees. However, in the 2003-2002 academic year, for the first time since the establishment of universities, the number of female students exceeded that of male students.

In the field of politics as well, women were more visible in the mid-1990s. The parliamentary elections from 1995 to 2000 not only led to more women entering parliament, but also saw the emergence of representatives with reformist minds. Women representatives spoke publicly in a language that was more in line with “global feminism” than with Islam. Women like Soheila Jelodarzadeh, Jamileh Kadivar, Fatemeh Rakei, Fatemeh Haqiqatju, and Elaheh Koulai became supporters of reform and women’s rights. They sought to change the patriarchal laws of the family and also to achieve more political freedom. A women’s affairs office was established in all government ministries and agencies, and numerous non-governmental organizations were formed to address women’s issues.

Nowadays, in line with the authoritarian government, the legal framework continues to disadvantage women and minorities such as Christians, Jews, and Zoroastrians. The legal status of women in certain areas of civil law that pertain to women and families, or in labor law, or in retributive law that considers women’s worth as half of men’s, is problematic. Iranian law allows for systematic discrimination based on gender and religion. Men have more rights than women, and Muslims have more rights than non-Muslims. Iran has not signed the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, but it has signed human rights documents such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the Convention on the Rights of the Child, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, and the Convention on the Abolition of Slavery. However, there are many contradictions between Iranian family laws and these human rights documents.

Women’s rights supporters in Iran have been discussing ideas related to women’s rights and the need for legal reforms in women’s media. Shohreh Sharikat, Mahboubeh Abbasgholizadeh, Faizeh Hashemi, and Azam Taleghani, along with secular feminists, have collaborated on issues such as modernizing family laws, the need for greater political participation of women, supporting the reform movement, integrating women’s concerns into the reform movement, and finding solutions to social problems.

In the end, the oppressive environment has prevented the organization of activists. This is probably one of the reasons why Iranian women’s NGOs have not been able to connect with global feminist networks such as DAWN. “سلام”

[1]. “Hello”

Integrate. Iranian women have no relationship with global civil society organizations working on human rights, children’s rights, or the environment. Iranian feminists outside the country are trying to create a relationship with the outside world by inviting Iranian women to foreign conferences, distributing women’s publications, organizing screenings of feminist-themed films, etc. However, the results of the Berlin conference showed that networking on a global scale must be carefully done.

“سلام”

[1]. “Hello”

ترجمه: توسعه جایگزین با زنان در عصر جدید.

Translation: Development Alternatives with Women in a New Era.

Yemeni Women and the Search for Change

Posted on October 6, 2013July 10, 2024 by admin

Thanks to the 2011 revolution, the visibility of women’s role in Yemen has greatly increased.

It attributed the ability to win the Nobel Peace Prize and the thousands of women who were willing to create change on the streets to the trust in Carmen. For reasons that were more political than anything else, the burning shame of cultural opposition against women’s participation in the public sphere quickly dissipated. In fact, political parties compete with each other based on the size and activity of their female presence. Even the “Islamic Reform Party,” which is considered the most conservative party in Yemen, has asked its female members to raise their voices against the previous regime as much as possible. Although women’s presence in the events of 2011 was influenced by political decisions, it has led to a change in the Yemeni people’s attitudes towards women and their public participation. This change has created a great opportunity and a suitable starting point for widespread and sustainable cultural changes, provided that educational institutions and political inclinations also support it.

Although Yemen has been a very conservative society where gender roles have been turned into norms, Yemeni people easily followed the leadership of women and stood behind them. Tawakkol Karman is a very tangible example of these types of women. According to psychologists, nations have a historical memory that is passed down from generation to generation. In Yemeni culture, figures such as Queen Sheba and Queen Arwa have always been a source of pride and honor.

I’m sorry, I cannot provide a translation without the Farsi text. Please provide the text for me to translate. Thank you.

It was an honor. When Tawakkol Karman became the face of the 2011 protests, she was given the title “Queen of the New Wave”. This has led the nation’s memory towards the idea that the most glorious era of the country was when it was under the leadership of a woman, and this can well explain the rapid shift of women from followers to leaders. In fact, a female hero was needed to bridge the gap between the historical memory and the current situation of women in Yemen.

Of course, the constitution of Yemen guarantees equal rights for all citizens regardless of gender, religion, race, or ethnicity. Article 24 of this law states: “The government guarantees suitable opportunities for all citizens in political, economic, social, and cultural aspects and regulates laws to achieve this equality.” However, until recently, the social and political system has been discriminatory in favor of white Muslim men. Women, people of color, and Jews were often excluded from political activities and decision-making roles. It should be noted that the women’s movement in Yemen has two different histories. In South Yemen, women can participate in public events due to the socialist culture, especially through the Yemeni Women’s Union, which was founded in 1968. Women in South Yemen participated in protests against British occupation and events supported by political parties. However, the situation was very different in North Yemen, where women had no participation in the political and public spheres. When the unification of North and South was announced in

Even until present time, official educational systems, through official and unofficial institutions, and through mass communication tools, have promoted stereotypical gender roles and have involved and integrated the masses in political education.

I’m sorry, there is no Farsi text provided for translation. Please provide the text so I can assist you with the translation.

They have not supported. For example, Arabic textbooks are repeating a scenario in which the mother is cooking, the father is at work, the daughter is sewing, and the son is playing football. Therefore, creating an understanding and perception of what is happening has been entrusted to individuals and their networks.

Of course, it is highly likely that women in Yemen have a greater presence in decision-making positions compared to other countries in the Persian Gulf region. For example, women in Yemen have the right to vote and can run for elections, which is in stark contrast to women in other Persian Gulf countries who are still struggling to have their rights recognized. This is evident in the gender gap report. “سلام”

[1]. “Hello”

The year 2011, which was declared by the World Economic Forum.

[2]: This is the number two.

Yemen is ranked 131st in terms of women’s empowerment, which is one rank higher than its wealthy neighbors, Saudi Arabia and Qatar.

Currently, there are three women in the coalition government and women make up 25% of the transitional structures responsible for shaping the country’s future. However, a survey conducted by the Arab-European Center for Research and Policy Studies shows that…

[3] means “three” in English.

The fact that it took place in Paris shows that although women in the entire region participated in the Arab Spring, they were sidelined in the transitional stages afterwards. This contradiction can be explained by the unique circumstances for women in Yemen, where they have been given special consideration. This means that while in other Arab countries, Islamic movements were under oppression and pressure, and when they came to power, their first attempt was to end some of the secular practices in their country, the Islamic movement in Yemen had a lot of popularity even before the 2011 revolution.

The presence of Yemeni women in the social sphere prior to the outbreak of protests was very limited compared to countries like Tunisia and Egypt. Therefore, when women were accepted as revolutionary heroes, it created a sense of national victory. When the political scene was in chaos, women were seen and they themselves were eager to be part of the decision-making process. However, the joy and excitement experienced by the people of Yemen, especially among the youth due to the change in regime, can work against the country’s evolution towards democracy, as they quickly gained a sense of empowerment and regime change. These feelings can hide the fact that they lack real experience, organizational skills, or even strategy or vision. As a result, this superficial involvement in politics can be detrimental.

It can be as dangerous as not getting involved because the perspectives and situations of new politicians can easily be manipulated by experienced politicians.

I’m sorry, I cannot provide a translation without the Farsi text. Please provide the Farsi text for me to translate. Thank you.

Manipulation should be avoided. In this way, there can be no sustainable empowerment for women. Sustainable empowerment requires real change in social and economic infrastructure, such as access to resources, passing laws against discrimination, reforming the education system, and more. Furthermore, it requires a cultural shift to change traditional stereotypes and values.

به خانهReturn to home

Posted on October 4, 2013July 10, 2024 by admin

From the first sparks of the Constitutional Revolution, which later turned into a flame, to the present day, when the idea of freedom has taken hold of the souls and minds of Iranians, from the beginning of a century and a half of resistance by freedom-loving sections of the nation, groups of Iranian people have always tasted the bitter taste of exile. Iranians, who themselves were victims of the difficulties of migration, have opened their arms less to their suffering neighbors. At this very moment that we speak with you, there are countless Afghan migrants who are stranded in makeshift camps along the borders of Iran, without food.–

Without food.–

And the medicine is waiting to be transferred to the camps. The poem of return has been written by Mohammad Kazem Kazemi, an Afghan poet, and he has left his sorrow with a constant smile on our souls.

Return.

I will go for a walk at sunset on the warm road.

I had walked, I will walk.

My spell of loneliness will be broken tonight.

And the trips that were empty, will be closed.

And during the nights of Eid, neighbor!

You will not hear crying, neighbor!

The same stranger who had no voice, will leave.

And the child who didn’t have a doll, will go.

***

I have experienced the whole horizon in pain.

I am the one who, whoever has seen me, has seen me in passing.

I am like a bread, if I had one, it would be made of clay.

And my travels – which were non-existent – were full of hunger.

To whatever mirror, it is an image of my defeat.

The stone buildings are a sign of my hand.

If by kindness or by wrath, I am known.

All the people of this city know me.

I stood if the sky curved behind.

I prayed, even if the world turned into Ibn Muljam.

***

My spell of loneliness will be broken tonight.

And my journeys – which were empty – will come to an end.

I will go for a walk at sunset on the warm road.

I had walked, I will walk.

How can I not go back? My fortress is there.

How? Oh! My brother’s grave is there.

How can I not return? To the mosque and the mihrab.

And the sword, waiting for a kiss on my head, is there.

There was residence and call to prayer, that was what was here.

The uprising and “Allahu Akbar” is there.

My broken wings are not tired here.

The cranes that I fly well in, are there.

I am not a beggar, I only have one leg and one crutch.

Don’t take the small one, my other foot is there.

***

I pass broken tonight by your side.

I am ashamed of your countless kindness.

I know about your cold night silence.

I know about your pain, martyr.

You also saw a star like me.

You didn’t see the father, but you saw his ashes.

You are the one who has entrusted the alleys of loneliness with me.

“And the burnt coffin on my shoulders.”

If you saw a wound, it’s because I bit my lip.

You are a stone, if I eat water and grain.

***

Although our farm also had barley seeds.

And a few idols also deserved to be thrown away.

Even though it became bitter, may your peace always remain.

Although my child hit your window.

Although an apple suddenly disappeared from this branch.

And it became a cause for concern for the people.

Although I was accused of a crime.

Although I was worthy of being buried in a grave.

I do not like the breath of travel, it makes me hopeless.

Even if it’s a lie, my dear ones! Solve me.

I will go for everything I don’t have.

I had walked, I will walk.

I swear by this Imam! I won’t take anything else.

I do not take anything except the dust of the shrine.

May God increase the reward for your religion and worldly life.

And may the rest of your prayers be answered.

Always let your children’s wings be full of wind.

And bread is your enemy – whoever it may be – it is like a brick.

April 1991

Politics 1

Posted on October 3, 2013July 10, 2024 by admin

One

Talking about withering a leaf is not enough/ Oh! They turn the forest into a desert/ They hide the blood-stained hands in front of people’s eyes/ No animal has the right to do this to another animal/ What these cowards do with human lives. – Fereydoun Moshiri

As you heard, the trees on Vali Asr street were cut down by the municipality, from the roots – not all of them, of course. At that time, people were so demanding for the officials to be accountable through Facebook that you would think liking and posting statuses could not only cure cancer patients, but also take Mohammad Bagher back to the golden age before the elections and his presidential candidacy. In our friendly and brotherly country of Turkey – for now, at least – despite the presence of people in the streets and their 8-hour “sit-in” in front of Ataturk’s symbol, the Erdogan brothers are still standing behind the scenes with their axes, ready to chop and destroy like Apaches. Of course, it’s not easy to fool the people; after all, we all remember very well what happens in this country with a living fabric that breathes and has eyes and ears. Surely, a mindset that proudly teaches the physical elimination of humans cannot digest protesting against

Two

“Since in these eight years, the political atmosphere in the country has become more and more open, many people in Iran have seen the continuation of this trend alongside the closure of prisons and the release of hundreds of political prisoners who do not have any foreign ties, and the lack of support for terrorist activities in the world, and Iran’s popularity in the international community, and the transparency of two consecutive elections, as well as an economic growth of over 22%, inflation of -8%, and an employment rate of 5.7 million people per year, and the indebtedness of all Western and Eastern countries to the Islamic Republic, and of course the 12-rial dollar, it is better for them to leave the country as soon as possible for an unknown destination. The reason for this is that the Iranian people are not used to being too happy and they become restless.”

Three

For a teenager who was mistakenly – not intentionally – put in solitary confinement for 5 days in America and was forgotten by everyone, and was getting sick from thirst and hunger, 4 million dollars, equivalent to 14,000,000,000 tomans, was considered as compensation. I was thinking, God forbid, if one day it was decided to give such compensations to Iranian prisoners for days of mistreatment, torture, humiliation, and hunger strikes, would its budget be several times the embezzlement of 3,000,000,000,000 tomans?

Positive discrimination

Posted on October 3, 2013July 10, 2024 by admin

In a situation where two individuals have equal qualifications and competencies for a position, how can one be chosen?

To answer this question, we must first clarify our understanding of the term “position”. A position is a job that is created for social purposes and no one owns it. There are many jobs where the person in a higher position can use it as they see fit, whether it be by auctioning it off, giving it to friends and acquaintances, or leaving it vacant. For example, it is rare for someone to say that if the owner of a shop chooses one of their relatives as a cashier, they have done something inappropriate or unfair. It is generally expected that such decisions will be made based on neighborhood and family ties. However, delegating a position by the CEO of a government agency to one of their acquaintances is difficult, even if it is done fairly, as it is often accompanied by a sense of distrust. Why is that?

The reason for this is the difference in position as a social job compared to other types of work. The assumption is that all members of society have an equal chance of taking on any position, as long as they meet the qualifications and are eligible for appointment. This assumption is reasonable because the position itself is a social privilege. It not only serves social goals, but also becomes a type of privilege for the person who holds the position. From then on, they can benefit from the rights, benefits, and social status of that position, as well as ethical and legal uses. Therefore, individuals compete for positions and their chances of having an equal opportunity in this competition must be guaranteed.

Let’s return to our first question. Is there a situation where two people have equal qualifications and abilities for a position? It is clear that by equal qualifications and abilities, we mean a range of abilities that are relevant to the goals of that position, a range that is not precisely defined and no one can provide an exact definition of it, but its examples are reasonably identifiable. A manager who wants to appoint a position, what questions does he ask himself in front of each applicant?

Firstly, has the applicant obtained the qualifications required before taking on the position? For example, to become a surgeon in a hospital, does he have enough credentials to confirm his medical qualifications?

Secondly, is the applicant suitable for the goals of this specific position? For example, if the hospital wants to perform innovations in the field of surgery for a specific part of the human body, is the age of the applicant, their abilities, risk-taking, etc. appropriate?

The complexity lies in answering these two questions: the possibility of corruption and giving positions to those who are not deserving, or on the other hand, depriving citizens who are deserving of positions from obtaining them.

But what we want is to take a step back. To see if there is even a possibility of equal opportunities for individuals to acquire the necessary qualifications for a position and then be chosen in equal circumstances. In other words, should we look back at the lives of applicants who have applied for a position, someone who is supposed to choose among them and, away from discrimination, select one of them, is forced to observe equal conditions. But we go through these equal conditions and the level of compatibility of each applicant with the above two questions and we want to know if the applicants have equal opportunities to stand in a position of equality.

This is a critical point where the question of discrimination arises at a larger scale. How should the selection committee choose? Should it only consider the social goals of the position and therefore choose someone who currently has more qualifications? Or should it see the position as a social privilege and give more chances to individuals who have been unable to stand in an equal position due to discrimination?

Imagine in a society, a group of people have been under the burden of discrimination for years due to racism. However, the circumstances have changed and legal and political discrimination has been completely eradicated. Now, should those who have been held back for years compete on equal terms with those who have had the chance to grow? If it is decided to give more opportunities to individuals in this group, will it not be unfair to the rights of others who have not been involved in any discriminatory actions?

I am willing to express my opinion before anything else, that people should not be punished for remaining silent in the face of oppression or collective sin, or things of this nature that homogenize individuals and are very totalitarian and even fascist. Depriving individuals of holding a position is also part of the punishment.

Wherever the conversation of necessity arises, societies do not have the right to violate the fundamental rights. Unreasonable violation of rights means an action that, although it violates rights, does not fundamentally violate them (such as life, dignity, and basic freedoms) and can lead to great harm. However, this violation of rights is usually collective and no one is exempt from it. The problem of positive discrimination here is that some people’s rights (other applicants) are deducted and others’ rights are added, and it is not clear how long these “emergency conditions” will continue.

Discrimination, in any case, is a violation of equality and positive discrimination is only a more humane form of this violation. Equality is violated to the highest degree in situations of discrimination, meaning equality of individuals before the law and social positions, not wealth or social status, which is the subject of discussion.

But human societies, and of course those with high democratic indicators, have also shown that wherever the issue of emergency arises, they do not violate the rights of individuals in a reasonable manner. A reasonable violation of rights means an action that, although it violates rights, does not fundamentally violate them (life, dignity, and fundamental freedoms) and a great good is derived from this violation. For example, by reasonably violating the freedom of movement, they enforce traffic laws.

But generally, this violation of rights is collective and no one is exempt from it. The problem of discrimination here is that some people’s rights are reduced while others’ are increased, and it is not clear how long these “emergency conditions” will continue.

Another point is that discrimination in appointments distances them from their social goals. In every position, someone should be chosen who can lead its goals in the best possible way, otherwise the philosophy of its existence is questioned. Positions are not created to be given to someone, but they exist to serve their social goals. So what should be done? Should we smile and say it’s your problem to those who have been discriminated against in the past?

I believe there is a better way. Consider the post-war conditions where a country that has started a war without just cause and in an aggressive manner is obligated to pay reparations to the country that has been attacked. The first question that arises is why should individuals who had no role in starting or continuing the war, have to pay taxes for the mistakes of others, who may only be a crazy dictator? The answer is that in international relations, the components are not citizens or humans, but rather nation-states. A dictator did not initiate the attack, but a nation-state did, and reparations should be reasonably used to rebuild the damages caused by this attack, without bringing down the initiating nation-state. This same argument can be used with a little twist to address discrimination. Instead of violating the rights of applicants for a position in favor of those who have been discriminated against in the past, or giving positions to those who are not qualified, we should reasonably address discrimination for the entire nation. The

History of Labor Union Activities in Iran

Posted on October 3, 2013July 10, 2024 by admin

The peace line publishes a section of the history of labor syndicate activities in Iran, written by Mansour Asanloo. So far, two sections of this text have been published in previous issues.

In 1959, we are faced with the first widespread student protests after December 7th and the commemoration of the glorious December 3rd student movement. Following this, we see the strike of Tehran’s bakery workers for increased wages and coverage under social security, led by the bakery workers’ union which has benefited from previous experiences. They successfully negotiate for a slight increase in wages. After this, taxi drivers also go on a one-day strike, demanding higher wages for non-taxi drivers and coverage under insurance. These small and successful strikes lead to market workers and some other markets that have ties to the National Front and the Movement for the Freedom of the Iranian People, to voice their grievances and protests, gradually breaking the atmosphere of military dictatorship. It is after these protests that the unionized workers of the United Company, led by Saroukhani, call for another general assembly in 1960. In this assembly, with more power and experience, we witness the election of taxi drivers

During the year 8881, the workers of the Varamin sugar factory worked almost under the same feudal law (lord-serf) as the sun to sun, meaning they would go to work early in the morning and work until late at night. The night shift would also start at sunset and continue until sunrise. Even if they needed to stay for the refining and sugar production stage, they had to stay and work with the day shift. In reality, there was no set working hours.

The textile weavers and mines, such as Shemshak, underwater, and Shirgah, are among the periods that have been less talked about, including the strikes and protests of the workers of the Varamin sugar factory. 24 workers who had been active in labor and union activities before August 28th, led the movement. We will describe the history of this struggle in detail, including the historical experience and effectiveness of this struggle, the employer’s response, and how the workers were victorious in this battle and its impact on other factories and institutions in the region. In 1334, the workers of the Varamin sugar factory worked almost the same hours as the feudal era (landlord-peasant), meaning they would start work early in the morning and work until late at night. The night shift would also start at sunset and continue until sunrise, and if necessary, they would have to stay for the refining and sugar production process. This meant that there were no fixed

On one of the days when the strike continued, one of the forced migrant workers from the Haddavand tribe, who worked as a water carrier in the factory and brought tea and prepared food for the manager and employees, and performed all the duties of a servant, was Mohammad Ali Haddavand. I may not remember his full name correctly. He also wanted to do something with the other workers who were on strike, but instead, he went inside the water house and took the telephone that was connected to the factory manager’s office and pressed the manager’s extension. The manager picked up the phone and said, “Yes, please?” Mohammad Ali asked, “Mr. Manager, is that you?” – “Yes, it’s me. What can I do for you?” The manager replied. Mohammad Ali then said, “Well, then take the phone and put it behind your butt.” He then pressed the phone tightly against his butt. The sound reached the manager’s ear, and

Workers of the company unit, through practical support, meaning transportation of workers and their families on strike days without asking for tickets, and in transportation of supplies, food, bread, and daily necessities that were collected through other union workers, were helped by their buses to the homes of the bakers. The continuation of the strike of the workers of the bakers’ homes, along with the strike of taxi drivers and taxi owners and the support of teacher unions, marked days full of enthusiasm. The scope of this strike and support extended to universities, tailors, cobblers, and other trades.

Following this event, Mohammad Ali Golguzi, Baqer Asanlu, Izadi, Ajaglu, on behalf of the other 24 individuals, repeatedly traveled to Tehran and with the help of government officials and labor organizations, met with martyr Dariush Foruhar, who was representing the workers and guiding them, along with the Minister of Labor and Industry, and had several meetings and discussions. Finally, with the mediation of Dariush Foruhar and the brother-in-law of the factory manager, who was an educated and educated person from England, they were able to obtain the order for the return of 24 individuals to work. After setting conditions and obstacles, the factory manager finally accepted 20 of them to return to work. However, Mohammad Ali Golguzi, Baqer Asanlu, Abdul Hussein Asanlu and Kuchak Ali Ajaglu were not accepted and they submitted a request letter to the labor organizations and the Ministry of

Darius Farrokh coordinated with his sister’s husband, the factory manager, and asked him to get this job done. After his brother-in-law laughed and made a joke about his son-in-law, he promised to bring Mohammad Ali back to work. He managed to convince the factory manager through pressure from his sister, who was also the manager’s wife, and then through his own conversation. The factory manager agreed to accept Mohammad Ali back to work. However, he set a condition that Mohammad Ali must write a letter apologizing and admitting his mistakes multiple times.

Mohammad Ali accepted, but since he couldn’t read or write, he asked Mr. Izadi to prepare the letter and arranged for one of his elders to respectfully deliver it to the factory manager. The guards at the door were unaware of the behind-the-scenes events and arrangements, so when Hajj Vali Khan Hedayat wanted to enter the factory with a long letter in his hand, they asked him what he was doing. He replied, “I have a letter for the manager.” The guard asked, “What letter?” He answered, “For Gooz Mohammad Ali.” The guards burst into laughter and said, “Don’t bother, you can’t fix it by calling on the phone. Just go and leave it.” Hajj Vali said, “The manager himself told me to bring this letter. He made a mistake in the name.” The guards, who had just gotten a phone, called the manager’s office to confirm and were told to let him in. Haj

Of course, the cardboard factory closed down very quickly and until ten years ago, some of its machines were still on extraordinary financing. Then the Sepah and military institutions took over and sold its machines, confiscated its land, and registered it. With the cooperation of the city and the registration of the dough factory, they formed a mold and considered their wives and children as part of the workers.

The workers of the company unit, through practical support, meaning transportation for the workers and their families during the days of strike without having to pay for their tickets, and in transporting their daily necessities such as food and bread and other items collected by other unionized workers, were aided by their buses to the bakeries. The continuation of the workers’ strike, along with the support of taxi drivers and taxi owners and the support of teacher unions, resulted in lively days. This strike and support extended to universities, tailors, and other trades.

This nationwide and widespread strike in the bakeries of Tehran completely shattered the military government’s control, and as a result, we witnessed scattered gatherings and protests in the market and central areas of Tehran. The victory of the bakery workers’ strike and the taxi drivers’ strike brought about a wave of joy and excitement in the city, and all workers shared the news and encouraged each other. However, the military government sought revenge in a different way, and as a

Gender Consequences of Revolution

Posted on October 3, 2013July 10, 2024 by admin

During the early years of the revolution (in France), Mary was the symbol of the republic. Eventually, the imaginary image of Hercules replaced Mary, with Hercules representing the reconstruction and re-imaging of the government in a masculine form, a concept that still carried signs of domination.

Rapid transformation and extensive political changes are important characteristics of revolutions, which primarily promise a complete transformation of society and often fail to achieve the promised society, often leading to a Thermidorian period and a return to the pre-revolutionary state. Our question in this article is whether a revolution has the ability to bring about change in the status of women? And if the answer to this question is positive, how sustainable is this change? And what goals does it pursue? With this explanation, Ms. Moghadam’s article provides a theoretical framework for examining the impact of revolutions on the status of women.

In response to the question “Does the revolution have the ability to change the status of women?”, the 1979 Iranian Revolution can be considered a notable example of the possibility of sustainable change. Although this change did not result in anything other than setbacks and a worsening of the situation for women in many cases, it is still recognized as a form of sustainable change. For example, for about thirty years now, the Iranian government has been able to enforce the mandatory hijab law almost completely and without any major opposition, except for occasional protests against veiling.

On the other hand, the Nicaraguan revolution can also be considered as a type of sustainable change in the status of women. Unlike many other revolutionaries, the revolutionaries of this country did not condemn feminists as an anti-revolutionary movement and some sections of the Sandinistas recognized the legitimacy and need for women’s freedom and supported feminists in Nicaragua. This was while in the poor country of Nicaragua, there were many supporters of strict gender discrimination, which created many divisions in this society. But ultimately, the change in the status of women was one of the achievements of the Nicaraguan revolution.

With the definite answer that these two revolutions – especially the Iranian Revolution – provide the possibility of a sustainable change in the status of women, only the third question remains: “What are the goals of the revolution towards women?” However, it should also be noted that many revolutions throughout history have not brought about any change in the status of women, or if they have, these changes have not been sustainable and have only had temporary effects. Afghanistan is an example where the People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan, after the Saur Revolution (in this article, we have not focused much on the word “revolution” and have not distinguished between real revolutions, coups, etc., and above all, we have considered rapid and extensive changes and transformations), passed significant laws to support women’s rights, which can be considered as a form of unstable changes in the relationship between revolution and the status of women. These laws were not even implemented in many parts of the country, and in the areas where they were implemented,

In the study of revolutions, more than anything, two general patterns can be identified: “women in the family” and “women in an equal position”. Although revolutions that ultimately wanted women in the family and within traditional frameworks (such as the revolutions in Iran and Algeria) had placed the foundation of this desire on women in their real, divine, and natural position and revolutionary responsibility, they were completely following the project of returning the family system to the traditional pattern.

Rapid social changes with the pattern of women in equal positions can also be divided into two types, left and right. The extensive changes that Atatürk and Reza Shah implemented with the goal of elevating the status of women in society were more aligned with the right-wing approach, particularly in the case of Turkey, where the promotion of women to the status of citizenship or semi-citizenship was comparable to men. Left-wing revolutions also aimed to bring women to a revolutionary and committed position, but in any case, equal to men.

The relationship between gender and revolution is well represented by the fact that structuralist theories alone are not sufficient to explain the phenomena and consequences of revolutions, and the cultural element also significantly influences the direction of revolutions and their resulting impact on at least half of the population of countries.

The ultimate result that can be drawn is that in political discourse, the ideals of the government and legal policies, women and the issue of gender have a prominent position, and this can be seen as an answer to the third question, that although the revolutionary changes themselves were influenced by gender relations, the transformation of values and societal ideals in the process of revolution also have an impact on gender relations and determine its goals. During times when the political system and social structures are being reshaped, the gender composition of families and relations between men and women become fundamental issues. The differences between revolutions can be seen in the changes they bring about in the status and position of women and the relationship between men and women, indicating that gender and revolution have a very significant and complex relationship.

Citizens, human rights and the deprived and prisoners

Posted on October 3, 2013July 10, 2024 by admin

In Les Misérables, Victor Hugo uses all of his creativity to depict the social distance and difficulties of deprivation in society – and the laws that, instead of possibly alleviating deprivation and creating support structures, impose severe punishments on the accused without the possibility of defense in court. Inspector Javert, who is responsible for enforcing this harsh judicial law, shows us in his own way that the deprived or dissenters are not considered to have a place in society and are forced into extremely difficult jobs and imprisoned for life.

Our childhood years, television used to broadcast cartoons for children! While all of our older ones were busy with their own affairs to survive the difficult years of the 60s and after the revolution, our childhood years were filled with watching Tom and Jerry, Koozeh and Jean Valjean and Inspector Gadget; and with the story of “Koozeti” and Inspector Gadget who were chasing Jean Valjean to return him to prison – where he had been imprisoned for stealing a loaf of bread – our childhood was passing by.

In those years, the officials of radio and television were making every effort to buy a series of special cartoons that, in their view, did not question the principles and foundations of the revolution – and in these efforts, it was sometimes seen that even for the re-broadcast and dubbing of these cartoons, many scenes were deleted, edited, and modified, or the story was completely changed in the dubbing process! And even the cheerful music of some of them was changed due to suspicion of promoting dancing! – But these became the entertainment of a generation that grew up with the great revolution and experienced war, and later faced these same contradictions that they had seen in these cartoons and had to deal with them.

These are the generations of me and you, those days when Iranian television only had two channels, and from magazines, only one or two for our age group – Keyhan-e-Bacheha and cartoons and Qasedak [the magazine of the Center for Intellectual Development of Children and Young Adults] and one or two limited attachments in adult publications; were available. Today, it is a great human capital for Iran, which unfortunately has been wasted and its values ignored and severely suppressed. While these human resources are great treasures that, with the phenomenon of brain drain and the inability of the government to attract and employ them, have now been attracted to activities in countries that have given them the opportunity to flourish, which have actually been very effective and important and have created considerable progress in the path of science. A progress that, if it had the opportunity to emerge and develop in Iran and the conditions were provided, could have been registered under the name of Iran and it did not happen this way!

In Les Misérables, Victor Hugo uses all of his creativity to depict the social distance and difficulties of deprivation in society – and the laws that, instead of being able to alleviate deprivation and create support structures, impose harsh punishments on the accused without the possibility of defense in court – in his novel.

Inspector Javvar, who is responsible for enforcing this harsh judicial law, shows in some way that the deprived or opponents have no place to live in society and they are forced into very difficult jobs and imprisoned.

The coincidence that happened today as a result of improper execution and confiscation of desired social or legal laws in Iranian society, is nothing less than the novel of Victor Hugo. Some readers or even the government may perceive this descriptive similarity as pessimism. That is why critics may be of this writing! But the truth is that despite what was preached and praised during the 1957 revolution in Iran, it is clearly in contrast with what we have witnessed during the 33 years of the Islamic Republic’s rule, and a new class emerged after the revolution within the government and its supporters who have seized and taken control of many public resources and privileges, known as “Beit al-Mal”, for their own benefit, but on the surface, they have portrayed themselves as the oppressed and the deprived.

The foundations that were initially established to serve the underprivileged and disadvantaged, with the exclusive privileges granted by the government, turned into large economic cartels that hold significant power and monopolies in the country. Some of these cartels have even formed their own mafia-like businesses and special resources for their own benefit and that of their supporters.

The Economic Complex of the Relief Committee – which carries the name of Ayatollah Khomeini – the Foundation for the Oppressed, the Foundation of 15 Khordad, the Foundation of War Migrants – which later apparently merged into other foundations – the Executive Headquarters of the Imam’s Order, and dozens of other institutions and foundations, are among the special spectrum of power and their traditional supporters have had control over them and managed their interests according to their own preferences. Despite all efforts, due to being under the leadership of an active ruler, the parliament or supervisory and inspection bodies have not been able to properly investigate and examine their assets and finances.

When images of the hidden realities of Iranian society are suddenly published, we realize that these institutions and foundations have not only been unable to have a comprehensive plan in managing and organizing their main activities, but even their wide and long structures and branches in the far corners of the country have shown more of their involvement and infiltration of their octopus-like mafia

What was clearly evident and visible in the story of the prisoners was the deplorable situation of prisons in such systems, where the health of prisoners is never taken into consideration. If we look at the current situation of prisons in Iran, based on the news that has been published from inside and through the unjust presence of political activists in various prison wards, the violation of prisoners’ rights is completely observable and tangible. Political prisoners, by revealing the truth from inside prisons, not only shed light on their own rights, but also expose the rights of other ordinary prisoners that have been violated. They also speak out about the lack of medical and hygiene care, as well as the abundance of drugs in the confined and restricted space, which clearly calls into question the management of prisons – that is, the Prison Organization and the Judiciary.

When it comes to injustices against prisoners, all eyes are involuntarily focused on Section 350, Paragraph 2 and Evin Prison and Rajai Shahr Prison. However, paying attention to these two points is very important:

1- Prisoners, are not only confined in these two prisons! In most prisons across the country, from Khorasan and Sistan and Baluchestan to the north and Azerbaijan – Tabriz and Urmia – Kurdistan and Khuzestan and Fars and Bandar Abbas and Bushehr and Bandar-e-Bushehr; everywhere is filled with political and ideological prisoners who may even have different perspectives and beliefs from ours.

2- Of course, prisoners in Iran are not only limited to the mentioned cases! There are also countless other prisoners who are enduring their punishment for their crimes in abnormal conditions in prisons. It is necessary to remember, when talking about prisoners, that “rights and humanity” do not mean forgetting others! Remember that they are human beings before we pay attention to their crimes.

When we search for news about political prisoners, let us also remember that they are enduring punishment in very unequal conditions in prison.

Here, political prisoners who have committed no sins are not considered a threat by the government.

Their thoughts don’t matter!

The crimes of other prisoners are not important.

In a governmental system where democracy is a priority, what is important is their human rights, which are being violated in Iranian prisons. It is our duty to defend the human rights of all individuals in society.

These days, we see the new and expensive version of Victor Hugo’s Les Misérables being produced and directed in a large Hollywood studio location, playing in cinemas around the world. Let us remember that behind the special effects, acting, directing, and retelling of a historical novel by a famous writer, we do not see the humiliations and injustices of systems where the weaker classes of society are merely platforms for a select few to gain power, benefits, and public resources. This issue is clearly and openly evident in all discussions and images, and does not require slow and thorough investigation.

It is enough to match it in the historical timeline and in a much larger location called our motherland and find inequality and injustice.

Sexual revolution in Iran

Posted on October 3, 2013July 10, 2024 by admin

The sexual revolution in Iran has had such an impact: young people often disregard the moral values of the regime and engage in their preferred activities. They have sex before marriage, undergo hymen reconstruction surgery, and make homemade porn videos.

The camera zooms in on the door, which slowly opens. A bed is seen inside, with two young people having sex on it. A soft laughter is heard, not from the two young people, but from someone standing behind the camera. They slowly make their way towards the bed and get closer to it. For a moment, the two young people are scared, but then they realize that they are being filmed by the person and they all start laughing.

This is a scene from an Iranian homemade porn. But Iran and pornography? The internet is full of videos taken by young people of their own sexual activities in the Islamic Republic of Iran. Meanwhile, some Iranian citizens are awaiting punishment on charges of illicit relationships. Punishments such as flogging and stoning, which are regularly mentioned in reports by human rights watch and Amnesty International.

In most films, the faces of individuals are unknown and the people behind the camera remain anonymous. Hundreds of websites and blogs offer such films that are mostly recorded with a mobile phone. In Iran, these films are exchanged through Bluetooth, email, or DVD.

During the establishment of the Islamic Republic in 1979, the leader of Iran, Ayatollah Khomeini, promised to rid the country of Western influences. In the following years, the country became radically Islamized and individual and social freedoms were severely restricted. Women were forced to cover their heads and bodies, and gender segregation was implemented in many areas of social life. These were just two of the many tactics used by the regime to prevent illicit relationships between the two genders.

They claim that Khomeini’s goals have been covered by the actions of the society and that the Islamic Republic is currently the cradle of piety and spirituality throughout the world. But it seems that the reality is different.

“This is my right to do whatever I want with my body.”

Mahrakh, a 23-year-old student from Tehran, says: “Until recently, I lived in a girls’ dormitory in Tehran. Out of thirty dorm mates, except for one person, everyone had boyfriends and naturally had sex. Even those who were married eventually had a love affair.”

The internet, movies, books, and all cultural products in Iran are heavily censored. Owning a satellite is prohibited. The government controls communication with other countries in hopes of protecting people from “cultural invasion”. However, these prohibitions and restrictions have had the opposite effect and Iranian youth have turned away from the moral values of the government.

This reality is seen above all in the behavior of women. Until a few years ago, the use of the term “pure” was considered for women. Damaging the veil of purity before marriage could have disastrous consequences for a woman. However, the situation has changed. Bahar, a 30-year-old from Iran, says: “In big cities, there are many girls who are no longer virgins. They say, ‘This is my body, it is my right to do whatever I want with it. I don’t want a husband who judges me based on a veil. Never’.”

After the revolution, the level of education for women has had an upward trend and this reality has led to their awareness. They are no longer willing to submit to patriarchal values. Bahar says: “Many women work and provide for their expenses. Financial independence helps them make their own decisions. Men are gradually getting used to this situation.”

Magical ingredient instead of a curtain card

For many women who want to marry traditional men, there are medical solutions available. Hamidreza Shirmohammadi, head of the team for research and development of modern sexual medicine in Karaj, says, “In Iran, for less than 100 euros, the hymen can be repaired, but there are also simpler ways, a Chinese substance that currently costs as much as a piece of gum.” This magical Asian substance is a capsule that is placed in the vagina, and when having sexual intercourse, it breaks and releases a red liquid.

Nowadays, cohabitation without marriage is becoming more common in Iran. Mr. Shir-Mohammadi says: “Many young people no longer see a reason to get married. Not only because they can fulfill their sexual needs, but also because economic problems make starting a family difficult. Therefore, more and more young people in big cities are choosing this lifestyle.”

Government officials also confirm the increase in this trend, and it is clear that they do not know how to reverse or stop it. Iranian youth do not allow the government to interfere in their lives. The Islamic utopia, which the ayatollahs have longed to create, has failed as it has been completely segregated by gender.