The labor movement and unions in Iran during the Constitutional Revolution were established by workers who had worked in Baku and Ashgabat and had returned to their homeland. These workers, who were mostly familiar with socialist democratic ideas, also had a profound influence on other Iranian workers. The revolutionary movements of 1905 and 1907 also brought about a tangible transformation in Iranian workers. In 1905, the first labor union was founded in a small printing house in Tehran. At the same time, this trend also spread to other factories, until workers in Mashhad, Tabriz, Anzali, and other parts of the country joined in. Slogans for fair wages, an eight-hour workday, land for farmers, and a republic were raised.

The term “syndicate” seems new and modern to many, especially the young generation of our country, while in reality, it has been over a hundred years since its inception in Iran. This is, of course, thanks to the efforts of its own writers, historical institutions, and both large and small imperialist and satellite academies throughout the world, wherever the seed of resistance has taken root. It is not strange that in Iran, with such a great history of syndicalist struggle, the topic of syndicates still seems new and modern. The history of the workers’ and laborers’ movement and the struggles of the oppressed classes in Iran is the same as the history of all popular movements in the world.

Undoubtedly, it will be interesting for readers to know that the labor and union movement in Iran used to have such power that it was able to impose an 8-hour work day and similar laws on the government. It is not a coincidence that young people today have no interest in reading history, because every moment and every fistful of repeated distortions are presented as the history of their country, and they will surely learn a lesson from this bitter injection, as they confront the bitter reality of their history with the limited help of remaining documents from the past.

They will learn a great lesson, as Goethe says in Faust: “Evil writes history and goodness chooses silence.” They will learn that in their distorted history, most events have been portrayed in reverse or completely fabricated. Truly, the powerful do not want the young generation of human societies to become aware of the heroic struggles and resistance of their ancestors in the bloody past, and they use all their material power to muddy the historical reality of revolutionary movements and gradually erase them from the pages of history.

Distorting the history of workers’ movements and the currents and parties supporting the rights of this class is an important part of the psychological warfare of global capitalism imperialism against oppressed classes. Every day, this is added to by universities, academies, and scientific institutions that are tasked with implementing this evil project.

The military governorships of Timur Bakhtiar and Savak were the first academies of social sciences in Iran, which began to distort the history of left-wing parties and the labor movement. The following are just a small part of these groundbreaking historical distortions before the revolution:

The rise of communism in Iran, from September 1320 to March, Tehran 1336.

The Black Book about the Organization of Mass Officers, with an introduction by Timur Bakhtiar, Tehran, 1334.

Communism in Iran (A Brief History of Communists in Iran), attributed to Colonel Ali Zibaei (infamous Savak crime worker), Tehran 1344.

The magazine “Lesson”

“And…”

Furthermore, the valuable role of the poisonous left-wing currents should not be disregarded, which have been and continue to be a part of the project of destroying the history of the workers’ movement. The project they have accomplished is nothing but creating division and weakening the foundations of the workers’ movement and justice seekers. Their main motive is hatred, and in all of their writings and statements, one cannot find even a single page that shows seriousness. Their work is nothing but tarnishing the history of the workers’ movement and all its fighters.

Imperialism and its satellites, with the help of simple-minded individuals, have organized their destructive project. They have intentionally or unintentionally distorted the history of the workers’ movement in Iran. Undoubtedly, history will reveal their true identity and expose their extensive conspiracies and collaborations with imperialist forces.

The first labor union in Iran, which was born in the simplest and most humble form in a small printing house in Tehran in 1284, gradually gave way to the immense movements of trade unions from 1320 to 1325. During this short period and with the political organization of the Tudeh Party of Iran, this movement grew in the form of the “Central Council of Professional Unions” and organized widespread strikes both in terms of quantity and quality.

Many of these epic events are not seen in most historical books, and if it weren’t for the valuable efforts of Professor Abrahamian in creating the book “History of Iran between Two Revolutions”, it cannot be said for sure how long this thuggery would have continued. These union, labor, and political movements were crushed on August 19, 1953.

Members and organizers of these movements were sent to execution squads with charges such as “uprising against constitutional monarchy”, “preparation for armed uprising”, “coup conspiracy”, “violation of military discipline and establishment of military organizations”, and the like. Not long passed before these bloody crimes, the tide turned; this time the shape of the charges changed. They said they were defenders of constitutional monarchy, they had built and established the government, they were reactionary, they were afraid of weapons, and…

Today, despite the passing of time and the valuable experiences of class struggle movements around the world, the story continues in Iran. Lies upon lies. Hatred upon hatred. Therefore, I repeat once again, the important point to note is that we must realize that these are not just a series of personal and random animosities. This is a project that spans the entire 20th century and the early years of the 21st century, with the goal of destroying and distorting the history of the workers’ movement and its supporters and fighters around the world. It is up to us to gather historical documents and evidence to prevent this widespread distortion and to inform future generations of the true history of their country.

In the years following the suppression of the workers’ and syndicate movement, after the 28th of August coup, fewer groups criticized themselves and the events of that time gradually faded into obscurity. This was not a coincidence, as it was preferred by many to keep the issues of that time in a haze of ambiguity. Most of the remaining members of the National Front, who were trying to preserve the front after the coup, did not make any effort to shed light on the mistakes of the front during that time. Many of these individuals sought political gain from their close relationship with Mossadegh and did everything they could to promote their own agendas.

After the coup, these individuals formed two congresses and declared the second and third national fronts outside the country, but remained silent about their own mistakes and blamed the left-wing movements, especially the Tudeh Party, according to the Savak’s method. The Iran Party published two pamphlets called “For the Awareness of the Young Generation” and “The History of the National Front of Iran” about the events of the nationalization of the oil industry around the time of the 1957 revolution, in which no new information or evidence was found and they were very similar to the publications of Savak in the years before the revolution to discredit the political credibility of the left in Iran.

Individuals affiliated with leftist movements also attempted to investigate the events of that era before the revolution. Among them are Bijan Jazani’s research in the book “Thirty Years of Iranian History” and “28 Mordad and the Tudeh Party” written by Hassan Zia Zarifi. Despite being written by two intellectuals, these two books often contain information that was read or heard in prison, as these two activists were either under surveillance or imprisoned by the previous regime and did not have the opportunity for in-depth research.

Unfortunately, in current conditions, in universities and at higher levels of science, they still refer to incorrect documents and sources. For example, the books of Hossein Makki about the events of 1932 are still used as a reference. I would like to inform respected readers that Hossein Makki had strong relationships with the leaders and founders of the coup, such as Azhari and Mozaffar Baqa’i, during the years of 1932. Interestingly, this person continued his great research even after the revolution, and today many history professors refer to his writings and opinions about the events of August 28 and the suppression of the workers’ movement and the nationalization of the oil industry.

In the upcoming multi-part article, an attempt will be made to address the formation, quality, and quantity of the labor union movement in the history of Iran. The content has been summarized, presented with statistics, and summarized as much as possible to not exceed the patience of a student magazine. Therefore, it is the main responsibility of the readers to follow the topic in detail by tracking the lines mentioned in this article and similar articles, gather relevant documents, and conduct further research. Copying, printing, personal or non-personal use of any part or the entire article is free for everyone.

The Iranian Trade Union Movement between the years 1284 to 1332.

“We do not introduce ourselves to the world as innovators who have reached new principles: now this is the truth, kneel before it! We present to the world principles that the world has nurtured in its bosom.”

Years 1284 to 1304

The formation of the working class in Iran (the class deprived of means of production and has no choice but to sell their labor for a living) dates back to the transition of Iranian society from feudal relations (lord-serf) to capitalist relations, namely the second half of the 13th century. This period coincides with the advanced capitalist movement of Western countries towards imperialism.

During this era, we are witnessing a gradual concentration of production and capital, and the emergence of monopolies on a global scale and the formation of financial oligarchy (the rule of a small group of large bankers over the world economy). The expansion of monetary relations (commodity-money), restrictions on sexual economy, the development of commercial rural economy, the spread of fees in cities and villages, and the emergence of large industrial machinery are all characteristics of this era. Industries in agriculture and manufacturing, whose products are essential for imperialist monopolies, are growing through this means.

Amir Kabir’s efforts to strengthen independent national industries against industries related to the interests of imperialists were also unable to stop the monopolistic growth of the industry. For example, the textile factories of Tehran, the sugar factory of Sari, the glass and china factories of Tehran, Qom and Isfahan, iron and steel production, and gun and rifle manufacturing all eventually shut down. It was only forty years later, before the Constitutional Revolution, that we witnessed another wave of growth in national industries.

The years 1284 to 1290 can be considered as the birth period of the Iranian Workers’ Syndicate movement. During the Constitutional Revolution, many workers who went to Russia for work became familiar with socialist democratic ideas in Baku and Ashgabat. As a result, and under the influence of the 1905-1907 Russian Revolution, the first workers’ union was founded in a small printing house in Tehran in 1284. Following this event, numerous other unions were formed not only in Tehran, but also in other cities of Iran such as Mashhad, Tabriz, and Bandar Anzali. Slogans such as 8-hour workday, land for peasants, and a republic were first raised by these unions and their members during the Constitutional Revolution.

With the arrival of the October Revolution in Russia, the formation of the first socialist government in the world under the leadership of Vladimir Ilyich Lenin, and the profound global impact of this revolution on all workers and marginalized classes, the labor union movement in Iran also experienced significant growth. Other factors contributing to this growth were the increase in productive forces and the growing number of workers in Iran. Anti-imperialist movements and global resistance against capitalism and in defense of the rights of oppressed working classes emerged worldwide, and this global factor also had a significant qualitative impact on the labor union movement in Iran, to the extent that by 1920, the number of unions in Iran had reached 15.

A few years passed and the “Council of Tehran Unions” was formed, followed by the “Central Council of Professional Unions” for workers. This council quickly grew and by around 1304, more than 30,000 workers and employees joined it.

The fruits of workers’ activities during this period include several long-term strikes, such as the 14-day strike of print workers and the first strike of Abadan oil workers, as well as the acceptance of the “Central Council of Labor Unions of Iran” in the International Labor Organization (World Federation of Trade Unions). The government of Vosough al-Dawleh, under the influence of these pressures, was forced to accept an 8-hour work day and the freedom of trade union activities.

The combination of these remarkable activities and the issues of World War II were among the factors that led the imperialists to plan the coup of 1299 and bring Reza Shah Pahlavi to power. This allowed the ruling classes of feudal-mullahs and predatory commercial bourgeoisie (brokers) to oppress the people of Iran.