Hassan Rouhani, the victorious candidate in the eleventh presidential election, in his campaign slogans, while referring to his efforts in the Supreme National Security Council to lift the house arrest of Ayatollah Hussein Ali Montazeri, has repeatedly promised his supporters to do everything in his power to free political prisoners and those who have been imprisoned without trial; however, he has not yet achieved any success in this regard in his track record.

Saeed Rezavi, a jurist and political activist, in an interview with Khat-e-Solh, says: The freedom of political prisoners is morally a priority over lifting the siege, but there is no serious will to lift the siege and free political prisoners.

He also believes that in the coming months, Mr. Rouhani and his government will not be able to succeed in lifting the house arrest of Mr. Mousavi, Mr. Karroubi, and Ms. Rahnavard, because the balance of power has not yet shifted significantly in favor of the reformists and Mr. Rouhani’s government.

Mr. Rezavi, a theologian; dealing with the issue of isolation was considered taboo until recently, but in recent weeks criticism of this issue has become widespread; do you know the reason for this?

I believe that after the recent presidential election, the political atmosphere of the country has become more open compared to four years ago. That is, the election of Mr. Rouhani as a moderate president has led to more freedom of action and expression among political forces. This change in the political atmosphere has also encouraged supporters of Mr. Mousavi and Mr. Karroubi to voice their demands with more motivation and courage. Naturally, one of the most important demands that has been present among protesting political forces in the past 2-3 years, in addition to the release of political prisoners and guaranteeing the freedoms stated in the constitution, is the lifting of house arrest for Ms. Rahnavard and Messrs. Karroubi and Mousavi. Therefore, it is natural that the relative opening of the media space in the country will cause this almost national demand to be voiced loudly once again.

In any case, I must mention that house arrest is an illegal act, meaning that without a judicial order and without being tried in a fair and just manner through legal and judicial processes, one is put under house arrest. Unfortunately, this illegal act happened to Ayatollah Montazeri and appropriate action was not taken, and this practice has become a tradition in the Islamic Republic system. However, before that, similar incidents had happened to Ayatollah Shariatmadari, Ayatollah Qomi Tabatabai, and some other individuals…

Why has Mr. Rouhani, despite his campaign slogans, not been effective in this area so far; as evidenced by 9 reformist figures in a critical letter demanding urgent action from him to lift the siege? Do those who voted for him not expect Mr. Rouhani to choose between their own desires and the demands of hardliners and conservatives?

In any case, Mr. Rouhani himself, as someone who has spoken explicitly about this issue in his speeches and election campaigns, is aware that he must respond to the demands of the people. Political forces, the people, and supporters of the Green Movement are also waiting for positive developments in this regard. However, the realities of our society indicate that the balance of power has not yet shifted in favor of reformists and supporters of the Green Movement. Mr. Rouhani’s victory in the recent elections gives him more room to maneuver, especially in the first months. He will undoubtedly have more leverage compared to the coming months or years. However, as the head of the executive branch in the structure of the Islamic Republic, Mr. Rouhani has limited power to make decisions. We must keep in mind that Ayatollah Khamenei has not yet made a decision to release Mr. Karroubi, Mr. Mousavi, and Ms. Rahnavard from house arrest, and

But I believe that civil society, through its efforts, can exert pressure through the support of the Green Movement in the media, in civil institutions, and in domestic and foreign media in a way that Mr. Rouhani can gain more benefits for the people in his negotiations. Currently, what is crucial is a change in the balance of power in the real structure of power; otherwise, in the legal structure of power, we seem to be facing a deadlock that can only be broken by external pressure and at the societal level, disrupting this balance and breaking this deadlock.

You said that the government cannot have a significant impact in this area, but Mohammad Bagher Nobakht, the government spokesperson, has recently stated that lifting the siege is on the government’s agenda. However, the preference is to follow up on the matter in secrecy. Essentially, this means that the government is taking action in this regard, but why is it being kept secret?

In any case, Mr. Rouhani, as the head of the executive branch, has the power to maneuver and negotiate, given the power he has gained after the elections. As the President, he can lead and negotiate with the leader, engage with other branches of power or military commanders, and convince them that it is in the best interest of the Islamic Republic system to quickly and without any specific incident, determine the fate of the leaders of the Green Movement. He can also play a role in this regard as a member of the Supreme National Security Council. However, this issue is not within the authority of the executive branch or the presidency for Mr. Rouhani to make a unilateral decision and break the siege without coordination with other branches of power or the leader. Naturally, this is not possible. In my opinion, the government has shown the will to resolve this issue as quickly as possible and put an end to it, but naturally, it faces forces that strongly oppose this issue with different motivations,

Does that mean you predict that this will not happen in the near future?

No, in the very near future, it will not happen.

In previous questions, you also mentioned this topic, but specifically, who do you know as responsible for lifting the house arrest of Mr. Karroubi and Mr. Mousavi and Ms. Rahnavard?

Such a decision is naturally made by Ayatollah Khamenei, but we must consider that his decisions, especially in sensitive matters, are made by calculating the costs and benefits. Also, considering the composition of the forces around him, whether in the leadership, the three branches of government, or the non-official forces present in the power structure in a real, not legal, form, a decision is made. When Mr. Khamenei is faced with pressure from extremist forces surrounding him and has been besieged by them, he naturally either complies or retreats, or at least prefers to cooperate with those forces. But if in a different situation, more moderate and moderate forces can overcome this extremist trend, for example by mobilizing public opinion against them, Mr. Khamenei naturally has a tendency to cooperate more with these forces. In the case of negotiations with America and in the nuclear disputes, we have seen that despite the opposition of extremist groups present in Kayhan

In response to your statement that Mr. Rouhani’s government may not be able to effectively address the issue of lifting sanctions, but they have focused on negotiations in Geneva and improving relations between Iran and America, which have finally taken shape after decades. Don’t you think that this was a priority for them and perhaps lifting sanctions was not a necessary priority for them?

Mr. Rouhani has prioritized certain issues as first priorities and a series of other issues as secondary priorities. One thing that is obvious to me is that Mr. Rouhani will try to take a winning card in his hand by resolving nuclear disputes and use it to negotiate and bargain with the forces that are against him, and gain points from them. If he succeeds in resolving nuclear disputes in the short or medium term and resolves them in a desirable manner, he will definitely use this winning card to resolve cultural, domestic political, and even economic issues; but if he cannot manage nuclear disputes and relations with America and the West, he will naturally face serious obstacles in terms of economy and after facing serious obstacles in economic issues, he will definitely retreat in the field of cultural and domestic political issues.

So if he can have successes in the field of foreign and economic policy and present a clear and positive track record, I believe he will seriously take action in opening up the political and media space of the country. He will also make more serious efforts in areas such as lifting restrictions and addressing cultural issues in order to advance his promised policies.

Apart from the issue of sanctions, Mr. Rouhani had also made promises to his supporters regarding the release of political prisoners. What is your opinion on this matter?

Ironically, I believe that the freedom of political prisoners is morally more important than the lifting of sanctions; in any case, Mr. Karoubi, Mr. Mousavi, and Mrs. Rahnavard are in better conditions than some of the political prisoners, whether in Evin or Rajai Shahr prisons or in other cities. Therefore, I think we should prioritize our demands in a way that the freedom of political prisoners takes precedence over the lifting of sanctions. However, lifting the sanctions is a symbolic action and if it happens sooner, it will naturally be a sign that the regime is forced to comply with the demands of the people and gradually release the political prisoners who are unjustly imprisoned as security prisoners.

But I think that such determination does not exist, because the leaders of the system are concerned that this action may be a sign of their weakness and that the prisoners who are released will start their activities with more enthusiasm and energy in society and the warm welcome they receive in cities and their place of residence will create a new wave of protests, causing serious concern. The lifting of the house arrest of Mr. Mousavi, Karroubi, and Ms. Rahnavard can also lead to this and create social unrest. Therefore, I can think that the leaders of the government have serious concerns about the unforeseen consequences of these events.

Why is Ms. Rahnavard also with Mr. Mousavi and Mr. Karroubi under house arrest? Did they have a special role in leadership?

In any case, Mrs. Rahnavard has been one of Mr. Moussavi’s main advisors in the past years and during the 88 elections. She herself, independent of Mr. Moussavi, was known for expressing her opinions, giving interviews, and taking stances. This is why she was also imprisoned alongside Mr. Moussavi and put under house arrest. Part of the reason may also be their personal preference to not be separated from Mr. Moussavi. Of course, I am not aware of this and neither are my friends, whether they were actually given the possibility of freedom or not. But from what we witnessed, Mrs. Rahnavard, especially after the controversial 88 elections, had independent stances that were naturally not favored by the Islamic Republic and its security-intelligence institutions.

Mr. Rezvani, do you have any other specific points in this regard that have not been mentioned in the questions?

I only wish for the speedy release of our political prisoners and for them to find better conditions. I hope that our imprisoned leaders are released as soon as possible and that freedom of speech and social-political activities for all Iranian citizens becomes a reality. I long for a new atmosphere in our society that contributes to the growth and development of our country. I hope that the bitter struggles we have faced in the past years gradually come to an end and that we reach a relative level of prosperity and freedom in accordance with our cultural and social conditions and economic resources.

Thank you for the opportunity that you have provided us with in the monthly magazine of “Khat-e-Solh”.