
Mehdi Nakhle Ahmadi: Division of Sistan and Baluchestan, a solution for increasing security capacity.
In recent decades, officials have always had a special focus on the security of Sistan and Baluchestan province, while history has shown that the tradition of border protection among the Baloch people is commendable. The struggles of the Gomshadzehi, Ismailzehi, and Yarahmadzehi tribes against the English invaders in World War I are examples of this tradition. But what is the root of such a perspective? Why is the largest province in the country also one of the least developed? Is removing the name or dividing the province the solution to the problems of this region?
These are the questions that we have asked from Mehdi Nokhaleh Ahmadi, former member of the Central Council of the Islamic Association of Birjand University and former member of the Central Council of the National Confidence War in Torbat-e Jam, who is currently an active human rights and minority rights activist…
Mr. Ahmadi, various studies on Baluchistan, which are not very appropriate, indicate that underdevelopment is the most important and biggest problem in the largest province of the country. What is your opinion on this matter?
I am from the eastern region of the country. I was born in Torbat-e Jam, which may have some similarities with Sistan and Baluchestan province. In short, countries with vast and wide areas like Iran have visible regional and spatial imbalances and differences. These differences are more prominent between border and central regions. These imbalances have had significant impacts, such as slowing down development and leading to insecurity in border areas, affecting the entire system of development, security, and management in these regions. Sistan and Baluchestan province is one of these border regions that suffers from a lack of development infrastructure and weak economic foundations, making it one of the most critical border areas in Iran. The causes of this underdevelopment can be attributed to factors such as the ethnic structure of this province, distance from the center, inefficient management, and the unrealistic and security-focused approach of officials towards this region.
What do you know about the factors of underdevelopment in this region? In any case, many, including Mr. Ali Ostad Hashemi, the governor of Sistan and Baluchestan, have always emphasized that this region has high potentials such as mines, having water borders, and access to free waters hidden within itself…
In recent decades, officials have always had a special focus on security in this region, while history has proven that the tradition of border guarding among the Baloch people is commendable. The struggles of the Gomshadzai, Ismailzai, and Yarahmadzai tribes against the English invaders in World War I are a prime example of this tradition. What do you think is the root of such a perspective?
With a brief look at all the border regions in Iran and their characteristics, one can discover some commonalities in all of these areas. It comes to mind that the Islamic Republic, as a general policy, does not have a serious intention to create suitable conditions in these regions to harmonize the level of development (in various aspects and angles). The majority of western, eastern, and southern border residents of Iran are Sunni Iranians who have gradually migrated to border areas over the years and under different rulers in Iran. The formation of such a religious fabric in the country’s borders, especially in ideological governments like the Islamic Republic of Iran, has led to a mutual lack of trust between residents and the governing institution. The government, based on its ideological values, divides citizens (in terms of entitlement to public facilities and freedom of action) into first-class and second-class citizens, and unfortunately, in this division, most border provinces have been placed in the second-class category. This view of border provinces and the
What are the potential areas that, with development and strengthening, can be utilized for the prosperity of this region? Essentially, what solutions do you believe can help alleviate such deprivation in this area?
In my opinion, finding a way out of such a complex problem is very difficult. It may be possible to present a theoretical solution in a few sentences or pages, but it remains to be seen whether these solutions will be realistic and feasible given the real elements in the path of solving this problem. Perhaps the first and most essential step is to change the central government’s perspective towards border citizens and create a sense of security between the two sides. This includes utilizing local managers who are familiar with the real problems of the region, equal attention to these areas as to more central provinces, and working towards creating unity among the residents of these areas instead of highlighting differences.
Recently, there have been whispers of removing the name of Balochistan from the map of Iran and assigning new names for this province. Some government offices have even implemented this, although the Imam Khomeini Relief Committee has considered it a printing mistake. However, this has also been observed in other offices. In your opinion, is removing the name of Balochistan a denial of the national identity of Iranian Baloch people? What consequences will the implementation of this plan have on the stability of the province?
The root of gradual elimination of Baloch and Balochistan dates back to the previous government. Migration of non-Baloch individuals to the region and changing the name of the province from Balochistan and Sistan to Sistan and Balochistan are among the actions taken during the Pahlavi era. In the Islamic Republic era, the situation of Baloch individuals has not changed in terms of enjoying citizenship rights.
Baloch people have not yet been officially recognized for their unique language, clothing, and culture. For example, in a province like Hormozgan, no effort has been made to identify the significant Baloch population in the region. Sistan and Baluchestan province, with a population of over two million people, is located in the southeast of Iran and is considered the largest province in the country. The majority of the residents of this province are Shia Sistanis and Sunni Balochis. The distribution of privileges and positions to Shia Sistanis in the past three decades has always been a source of criticism and conflict for the Sunni Baloch citizens of this province, who are deprived of many basic rights according to the constitution. This has been a constant source of protest for the Sunni clergy and extremist armed groups in the province.
The topic of removing the name of Balochistan, which has recently gained attention once again through the release of documents belonging to the Provincial Health Insurance Office, has become a center of attention on social media among Baloch users. Some Sunni imams in Sistan and Baluchestan have also criticized this move. Perhaps the root of this not-so-innocent action lies in the government’s efforts to diminish ethnic diversity in official spheres and its intolerance towards different perspectives. The lack of tolerance for power-sharing and creating flexible platforms for expressing the existence and presence of different cultures and ethnicities in Iran can also be seen as a factor. With the recent appointment of Mr. Hashemi as the governor of Sistan and Baluchestan, many believe that his approach has been to reduce such tensions and boundaries. However, it should not be forgotten that there are powerful centers of power in Iran, which naturally do not necessarily align with the government’s policies. Unfortunately, due to their financial and military
It is obvious that by removing the name of Balochistan and other Iranian ethnic groups, not only will it not eliminate the existence of this ancient identity, but it may also potentially strengthen national bonds in defense of this identity. Unfortunately, there is a possibility that with the continuation of such unmeasured actions by certain centers of power, the social base of moderate and middle forces within these ethnic groups will weaken, and we will witness the dominance of a kind of extremism in their demands and aspirations.
Outside the issue of removing Balochistan from the map of Iran, the discussion of dividing the province into several other provinces is also being raised, with both supporters and opponents. Essentially, what necessity and benefit does this division have for the people living in these areas? Considering the experience of dividing the Khorasan province, is dividing the Sistan and Balochistan province into two to four separate regions a correct and effective decision?
Regarding the division of Sistan and Baluchestan province as a solution to reduce the problems in this region, I must also mention that in my opinion, as I have mentioned before, such a solution or any other solution initially requires a change in the overall mindset among decision-makers in the Islamic Republic. Without a change in these mindsets and without determining the fate of real government policies regarding border and ethnic provinces, linguistic and racial minorities, and religious minorities, solutions such as dividing these provinces are only seen as a means to increase the government’s security and military power in order to gain more control and weaken the national and racial identity of the residents of these areas. Unfortunately, the attitude and actions of the Islamic Republic towards minorities in Iran are subject to much discussion and criticism, and in various governments, even in the implementation of constitutional provisions regarding the rights of minorities, there have been many neglects. Obvious discrimination in areas such as education, employment, access to places of worship and the implementation
Furthermore, such proposals from some individuals without presenting practical and executable solutions to justify the superiority of the new situation have become another issue that fuels suspicion. The experience of dividing Khorasan province into three provinces of Central, Southern, and Northern Khorasan with Mashhad, Birjand, and Bojnourd as their centers can serve as evidence for this matter. According to official statistics, these two provinces are among the weakest provinces in the country, which may be due to the lack of accurate and realistic assessment during the proposal and implementation of this plan.
If you have a specific problem in mind, please let me know.
In conclusion, I must emphasize again that the issue of border regions in Iran is a very complex problem and without a comprehensive understanding and approach from both sides, it seems very difficult to solve. Unfortunately, the common solution that we perceive in Iran is not towards a strong and decisive will to solve the problems of these regions. This neglect of the problems every day will lead to a deeper divide between these regions and other provinces of the country. Personally, I hope that in the government of Mr. Rouhani, with the policy of prudence and hope, we will see less of these faded approaches and witness a kind of shift in the overall policies of the system without any obstruction from other centers of power.
I am extremely grateful and appreciative to you for the time you have given me.
We are equally grateful to you for this conversation.
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Issue number 39