The bitter narrative of Kurdish porters is a story full of pain, suffering, and blood. It is the story of Kurds who are not citizens, Kurds living in the western and northwestern border areas of Iran who carry goods on their backs or on horses or tractors to make a living, even if they don’t own those goods. They cross the border between Iran and Iraq. Those who carry heavy loads on their backs are among the most deprived border residents who have not benefited from the open markets on the border and are forced to carry heavy loads on their backs to survive and cross the rocky mountainous paths between Iran and Iraq, hoping they won’t step on a mine, fall off a cliff, get shot by Iranian border guards, or have their goods confiscated, just to earn enough for one day’s worth of food. Risking their lives for a handful of bread, they are paid with a handful of dust.

Why would a human be willing to do one of the hardest and most dangerous jobs in the world, walking with their stomach, which has very little income and the highest possible cost, which is the person’s life? Unfortunately, there is no simple answer to this difficult question; poverty and absolute need for survival and the lack of any other alternative. But the main question is not properly asked. The main question is why do porters not have other choices? And why are porters killed?

Economic development

Kurdish regions in Iran, from West Azerbaijan province to Ilam, are among the least developed areas in Iran. Statistical studies show that Kurdish regions suffer from structural deprivation and are more deprived than central regions of Iran in all social, political, cultural, and economic indicators.

Comparing the economic development indicators of Kurdish regions with other parts of the country shows inequality in infrastructure investment. The effect of this inequality can be seen in measurable indicators reflected in the ten-year statistical reports of the Iranian Statistical Center. For example, the per capita income of Kurdistan province is equal to 4.46% of the national average in 1985 and ranks 29th in the country. In the same statistics, it can be seen that Kurdistan province’s share of the total gross domestic product of the country is about 0.95%, which is less than 1%, and ranks 23rd in the country. In recent years, according to the presented statistics, the provinces of Kurdistan, Kermanshah, and Ilam have been among the top 4 provinces with the highest unemployment rates, with the latest being in the fall of this year.

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70% of the units in Kurdistan province are closed or partially closed. The Deputy for Human Resource Development of the Governor of Kurdistan says, “The unemployment rate in the country is 5.24%, but in Kurdistan it is more than 35%. The economic growth rate of Kurdistan province in 1392 (2013-2014) was also negative at 12%.”

In order to explain the reasons for underdevelopment, one can also refer to neutral theories in economics such as classical theories of modernization, which attribute underdevelopment to either internal cultural factors or to purely economic mechanisms. The problem with these theories in explaining the causes of development in Kurdish regions is that they neglect the impact of political factors and specifically the construction of the political system on the backwardness of these regions.

In terms of economic perspective, the complete dependence of Iran’s budget on oil revenues will make any economic growth planning subject to the price of oil. The correlation between economic growth, which is one of the fundamental indicators of economic development, and oil revenues will therefore be dependent on oil revenues. It seems that due to this dependence, in the initial stages of oil price increases, it should be considered as the primary culprit for the uneven development in Iran. However, considering the direct impact of oil revenues on other industrial sectors, as well as cultural, social, and infrastructural projects that have been advanced with oil money, the question arises as to what factor has caused the uneven allocation of the budget and the advancement of economic and infrastructural projects in different sectors of the country?

The first assumption of balanced growth is that economic resources are allocated evenly to different sectors of the economy, including agriculture, culture, industry, and education. While considering some relative advantages in allocating credits, it also takes into account the distribution of resources to all sectors throughout the country.

The important point is that in the main pattern of uneven growth, not different regions are considered as the relative advantage sector as the driving force of the country’s economy, and it is assumed that this engine, which has almost all budget credits in the development sector allocated to itself, also pulls other sectors along with it. But in this model, different regions of the country are also taken into account and the unevenness of the growth model is not only evident in the allocation of resources to one susceptible region, but also in the allocation of resources to a target area.

Hirschman, according to development theorists, believes that all regions have relative advantages and the only difference between different regions is a specific area that each region is suitable for. In this way, it determines the facilities of each region and what economic projects are suitable for it. However, Hirschman does not necessarily see this advantage in terms of profitability for investment, as politicians would like to see, but rather in the strategic nature of plans and projects. Strategic plans play a guiding role and mobilize other sectors.

The purpose of this brief reference was to emphasize that underdevelopment in Kurdish regions of Iran cannot be analyzed based on theories of balanced development or uneven growth, as these theories and indeed most development perspectives focus on development or underdevelopment within a specific political structure and without incorporating political theories related to that structure, they are unable to analyze the causes of uneven development within a country.

In this short note, it is not possible to explain the fundamental reasons for the imposition of poverty and backwardness on Kurdish regions within the framework of official policies and existing political structures. In summary, the ideological perspective of the ruling system, which marginalizes non-Shiite groups, is closely linked to the central nationalist perspective of Iran, which defines non-Persian ethnic groups resisting assimilation as “other.” The result of this connection is the perception of minority-national regions in Iran as a security concern, leading to specific policies in all areas, including the economy, which may or may not result in economic development and growth in these regions. This is because, in the modern sense of development, sustainable development cannot be achieved without the involvement of all citizens, regardless of their national, religious, or ethnic identity. Ignoring a portion of citizens due to their ethnicity, nationality, or religion is contrary to the principles of sustainable development. A system that seeks sustainable development is, by definition, obliged to

Smuggling goods

Smuggling goods is a very large trade that is prevalent in almost all of Iran’s borders. The majority of this market is controlled by the Revolutionary Guards and its transactions take place through illegal docks and terminals. The smaller portion of this market is also directly or indirectly linked to the Guards and security and law enforcement forces. Major traders who are involved in importing goods through smuggling routes advance their business by making illegal payments to law enforcement officers, and small-scale importers also pass their goods through the border by hiring daily wage workers known as “Kolbars”.

The desired goods, which are recognized as smuggled goods due to their entry from unofficial borders, are transported through the backs of smugglers or by horse or tractor, and are transferred to cities and border villages. Smuggled goods mostly include televisions, air conditioners, cigarettes, car tires, clothing and textiles. It is said that the average age of smugglers is between 13 and 60 years old. The highest rate of state killings of smugglers is attributed to the cities of Marivan, Sardasht, Oshnavieh, Baneh, Piranshahr and Nowsud.

One important point that should be considered in analyzing this situation is the different perspectives that the government and the people have towards the kolbars. From the people’s point of view, kolbars are hardworking individuals who are struggling to find a “halal piece of bread” and have resorted to this difficult job. However, the government sees them as criminals and the police also view them as potential targets for financial exploitation if they do not shoot at them.

But the issue is that even if we accept the assumption of the government that kolbars are criminals, their punishment does not match the crime attributed to them. In one of the annual reports of Ahmad Shahid, the Special Rapporteur on Human Rights in Iran, the massacre of kolbars is mentioned as “systematic killing of kolbars and Kurdish traders living in border areas”: “Kolbars are imprisoned for months on charges of illegally crossing the border and transporting goods such as tea, tobacco, and gasoline, or are fined the equivalent of their goods. However, Iranian border guards constantly shoot at kolbars and kill or injure dozens of them annually.”

But why do the officers of the border security forces, officers and soldiers, without any concern for legal consequences, kill kolbars (border couriers) with direct gunshots? In one of the investigations we had through a lawyer friend for the case of the murder of a young girl in Baneh by a member of the security forces, the prosecutor’s office sent a letter to our lawyer friend, apparently issued by the office of the leader, prohibiting the trial of the border security officers for killing kolbars and other border crossers.

In this way, the vicious cycle of underdevelopment, poverty, unemployment, false employment, and death will continue…