This is an image of a flower.
The hero Qanbari.

Writing about city and village council elections, or in general writing about a matter called elections in Iran, comes with its own specific contradictions. It means that when faced with the issue of elections in Iran, we are always confronted with parties who, although their positions are opposing, both present good arguments or arguments worthy of consideration, to explain the reasons for their positions. Of course, this in itself is not a bad thing and it reminds us of the fundamental point that although the questions are the same, the answers are more than one, and every period of history or every group of people, depending on their beliefs, have their own specific answers, and for the prosperity of society, it is necessary to hear all these different answers. Regardless of these different answers, what impact does our participation in elections have on our future as Iranian citizens, and whether the existence of a matter called electoral supervision makes elections based on the votes of Iranian citizens legitimate and valid, or has legitimacy or not; I turn my attention

Given the current mental conditions, it is necessary to mention that city and village elections are included in the Constitution of the Islamic Republic, and village, city, and provincial councils are considered to be weak or even insignificant, as their members do not take them seriously. Interestingly, even its nominal capacity in the media is only five thousand copies, which are most likely not regularly published. The reality is that since the Constitutional period, we have been struggling with the implementation of incomplete laws, and the city, village, and provincial councils are no exception to this issue. The division of power and the establishment of local governments have been a concern and a topic of discussion since the Constitutional period, with the establishment of provincial and state associations. Later, during the Pahlavi government, it was once again a topic of discussion during the political reforms of 1342, and it eventually led to tensions and conflicts during the White Revolution, which was finally approved in 1349 under the name of village, city,

Our country is formed of different regions, cultures, religions, and dialects, each with its own unique conditions, geography, and characteristics. It is necessary to consider these specific characteristics in the administration of their place of residence. In order to better manage society and involve all people in their own destiny, different models of power and local governments are used in all parts of the world. Local elections and municipalities are a weak and ineffective example of these types of systems, which in our country, even at the time of the first approval of state and provincial laws and later during the end of the Pahlavi era, had more powers predicted for city and village councils; although unfortunately, the psychological structure of the people of our country and other countries in the region, which has also affected our rulers, has prevented the proper implementation of these laws to some extent. City, village, and provincial councils are essential for democracy and in this global situation full of ethnic and religious conflicts, our country is also in great

A look at the ethnic divisions in our country and neighboring countries can confront us with three different options: first, that differences and discrimination can overflow in times of crisis and lead to internal ethnic and religious conflicts in our country, as has happened in neighboring countries that have a long history of peace and stability. The first option can lead us to the second: out of fear of these conflicts and collapses, we are forced to accept authoritarian governments because preserving personal security is the primary human desire and we have chosen this path for hundreds of years. However, it is clear that this path is mostly driven by a sense of insecurity and is not desirable for our conditions. The third option is difficult and undoubtedly a challenging path, which is the practice of democracy and taking responsibility for moving towards freedom. The main point in this freedom is that it must be evenly distributed and include all Iranian citizens. This means the proper use of local governments, which is a proposed solution that can be derived from the heart of the laws of

The last joke is that the reality of the matter is that over the course of more than a hundred years since the Constitutional Revolution, all efforts to establish freedom have failed and state and provincial associations, or with their new name, councils of provinces, cities, and villages are not exempt from this. The failure of these matters is mostly due to the lack of trust in the people as the primary owners of power or voters. In fact, if we want to analyze this failure in a specific way and come to a conclusion, we can start this analysis from the reasons for the failure of old state and provincial associations or modern city and village councils and reach the whole project of the historical failure of democracy in Iran. Our main problem is the lack of belief or trust of the rulers in the people. In Kant’s philosophy, making mistakes, standing still, looking back, and correcting mistakes are one of the most fundamental foundations of human and social formation based on ethics, which over time has become the fundamental principle