“این عکس یک پرنده در حال پرواز است”

“This picture shows a bird flying.”
Reza Alijani

From the Talqani Council to the City Council Board.

For my generation, the word “council” has been very inspiring. But what feelings do I have about it now?

“The message of Talaghani is martyrdom and council; this slogan, with which Talaghani, who was taken from us too soon, was buried in Zahra’s paradise, carries the color of the revolution and the scent of the establishment era. Martyrdom reminds us of the efforts and sacrifices of the past, in rejecting oppression, tyranny, torture, prison, and Evin; and council was a longing that grew in passionate minds. But council, in Talaghani’s slogan, also had the color and scent of protest against the current situation. It was a slogan against the monopolistic power of a powerful current in the established government. Because in his last speech during a Friday prayer, which was of a different nature, Talaghani said: “

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“I have said it a hundred times that the issue of consultation is one of the most fundamental Islamic issues; even its prophet speaks of its greatness, consult with these people, give them a role, let them know that they are responsible, not relying on a leader, but they did not do it, I know why they did not do it, they are still discussing it in the Assembly of Experts on how this fundamental principle of the Quran should be implemented: it must, maybe, or they can. Ali said: I am the enemy of tyranny: whoever practices tyranny, will be destroyed in his own affairs. I consult with men to share their minds: when I have one opinion, with one of you, when I consult with ten people, I find ten opinions, I add ten minds to my own. Why can’t it be done? I don’t know! The Imam gives orders, we shout, the government approves, but it doesn’t happen. Except in Sanandaj where this

We hope that we all become sober. Let us each accept responsibility and set aside selfishness and self-centeredness. Let us abandon group mentality, opportunism, and the imposition of unwanted beliefs or under the guise of religion. Let us come together with the people, with the suffering, with the oppressed, with the deprived, and raise our voices together. May God forgive us all.

Talaghani had correctly diagnosed that a monopolistic and despotic regime was forming under the guise of religion.

But the “Council” of Talaghani was a council that idealistically wanted to make all decisions about collective life as inclusive as possible. But every ideal needs a model to be implemented. The council democracy that Talaghani and perhaps a generation of idealists in his mind needed a model. Talaghani’s life after the revolution was too short and more regrettable than giving him and his supporters the opportunity to take care of this important matter. After that, this matter was forgotten in the turmoil of events. Until then, council democracy was mostly a flashy and superficial name that had been drawn on the monopoly and tyranny of party in the Eastern bloc. Its application in some third world countries, such as Libya, was even more ridiculous than these words. Although it was attractive from a distance, it left a bad impression up close. The literacy and patience of political and intellectual activists and their rigid assumptions also left less room for them to pay attention to models in other corners of the world (including

It was in this manner that the law of councils, which had been forcibly passed by Talaghani, was a condition and a path of reconciliation that he had set after his anger (due to the arbitrary and oppressive detention of his son), and the alarm of the return of tyranny and torture, which had resounded for several days with this anger, was silenced with this key (of councils) and also forgotten like lightning and wind. From then on, this law was repeatedly amended. The study of the process of amending the law of councils in various assemblies is one of the satires of our time. It is not clear what insistence there was on repeatedly amending a law that was not supposed to be implemented! Was it just an administrative and ceremonial task, or a challenge to the agonizing conscience and hidden energy of the revolution, which the tired and aching voice of Talaghani brought to light? With the pursuit of power and the interests of those involved, including in the parliament

In this process, according to the Councils Law, the Talqani Council – which is a council for decision-making on all aspects of life from top to bottom, from small to large – was transformed into the City Council. However, according to experts, there are 17 influential institutions in every city. One of them is the municipality. Although the municipality is very important, the affairs of a city (such as water, electricity, telephone, roads, buses, taxis, metro, schools, education, order, police, traffic, air pollution, tourism, etc.) go far beyond the scope of responsibility and occupation of municipalities.

The story; the ideal council (but without a model) Talghani, was transformed into a council as the board of directors of municipalities, whose most important duty, like any board of directors, is to select a manager, and in this case, the mayor. Then, approving the municipality’s budget and overseeing the proper execution of the municipality’s work and its methods of generating income, as well as spending its revenues and budget.

In the journey and path of the country, it had been said that the experience of councils has reached a dead end and they have been eliminated one by one; from the Leadership Council to the High Judicial Councils, and apparently the only remaining uninvited guest was the City Council. Until the Iranian society took a decisive action on the second of Khordad 76 and said a big “no” to the monopolists.

In the new government, which some of its slogans had the color and scent of the slogans and promises of the first revolution and the (temporary) government, sometimes the dust of some of the first principles of the revolution was cleared and a half glance was thrown at them. The councils were one of these principles. Our generation, which had a passionate and idealistic memory of the councils, and the new generation, whose eyes had just opened and had an unofficial memory of the revolution and the events after it, believed that the councils were a good and forgotten thing that needed to be revived for the sake of eliminating monopoly and despotism, and so it was. The first council elections were held with greetings and prayers, and like other institutions, the majority of them were won by those who had new words and promises. I remember that only one person from the former powerful managers after the revolution dared to speak against the direction and called the councils a waste of time and effort. He too did not have

The experience of the first council in the metropolis of Tehran was very bitter (the memories of Mrs. Vasmeqi – “There must be a way” – must be read). It was the beginning of the end of the dream of reformists. This council was caught in endless personal conflicts and conflicts of interest, with many of its members being half-hearted and inactive by the main puppet; the Ministry of Interior, in a cunning opportunistic move, was shut down. It is fair to say that the experience of councils in all parts of the country was not like this.

The second council was entrusted with the people’s anger towards the protectors. Ahmadinejad, the mayor, emerged from this council and the platform for his presidency was provided. He became what he became and went on to lead the country and its people, whatever happened, happened.

Now we are at the threshold of the sixth round of council elections, with this experience and journey full of ups and downs.

The bitter and sweet experience of councils.

Some councils have been among the most corrupt institutions in the country and their members have been arrested for financial corruption, while others have provided important services to their villages and cities. However, so far, no research or investigation has been conducted on the performance and records of councils on a national scale. Perhaps the Ministry of Interior and the Supreme Council of Provinces should have been responsible for this survey, but they have not done so. No private institution has also stepped into this research field. Therefore, we are faced with a list of bitter and sweet experiences without a comprehensive summary.

However, based on the available intellectual and practical data, it can be said:

Despite all the shortcomings in their laws and job descriptions, and even at the level of city council boards, these councils provide at least some possibility for monitoring, transparency, and control over the performance of municipalities – especially given the suitable environment for financial corruption that exists within them – which is better than having a single, behind-the-scenes manager controlling various cities.

The councils are a platform for the activation of civil society and a learning experience for executive micro-management for a mass of citizens (approximately 250,000 people) to directly solve their life problems.

The board of councils (and councilors) can be a platform and stage for training practical and experienced managers for higher levels.

“Supervisory control for filtering candidates in councils is less than other electoral institutions. This can be a new experience of democracy for people and even radical movements, giving them the opportunity to see a more open field for candidates with different tendencies and gradually becoming more normal for them!”

The important role of representatives in each district in approving or removing council candidates reminds people more than ever of the importance of choosing a representative and the parliamentary elections. In cities where representatives are more conservative and right-wing, there is a greater possibility of eliminating reformist and progressive candidates.

And finally, the important point is that:

Municipalities in the major cities of the country, especially in Tehran, play a role as the treasure of Korah in the Iranian society, which are in the minority. In particular, the militant security and military forces that have no specific base or support and rely solely on oil money. They usually get close to institutions with high financial cycles to cover the costs of their repressive and dogmatic political activities from public resources and, in fact, from the pockets of the people (the detention of Tehran mayors after the 1976 elections and the focus on the free university after the 1992 elections are examples of this strategy of militant military-security forces). Their supporters and the privileges they must give to their body are achieved through employment in large institutions and companies under the supervision of the municipalities of major cities, as well as other privileges such as land allocation, housing, large salaries, and financial aid to affiliated institutions, etc.

This treasure of Qarun must be taken back from the minority but powerful currents that pursue bold and adventurous domestic, regional, and foreign policies that go against the interests of the majority of the Iranian nation.

The experience of becoming a mayor and then the president, Ahmadinejad showed that they see the mayor’s office as a stepping stone for higher positions. Qalibaf has also held the capital hostage for over a decade and has used the resources of the Tehran municipality – which should be used to solve the extensive problems of the people of this city – for personal and political purposes. The widespread installation of billboards against nuclear negotiations, while the official government of the country was negotiating to end the destructive nuclear file, was one of the symbols of this political exploitation from the pockets of the people against the wishes of the majority.

Financial health and moral courage are two prerequisites for council candidates.

The experience of councils from the first to the fifth term has shown that two conditions, financial health and moral courage, are prerequisites for members of the city council. Financial health means that the individual does not see the council as a source for personal plundering or for the benefit of relatives and acquaintances, and moral courage means not succumbing to threats and coercion. The selection of Ghalibaf as the mayor of Tehran, with his opportunistic tendencies, and the failure to impeach him after the Plasco incident at the end of the fourth term, highlights the urgent need for these two conditions. It seems that these two conditions are more important and take precedence over any other conditions, including the political leanings of council candidates. The positive experience of Mr. Hafizi in the city council has demonstrated this well.

Having access to advantages that are beneficial for the city (and in fact the city council); belief and commitment to utilizing the opinions of experts in each field; commitment to collective decision-making (especially from non-political members who are not familiar with the programs and complexities behind military and security issues); practical ability and physical and mental capacity to communicate with different segments of the population in order to understand urban problems; and so on are among the other necessary conditions for city council candidates.

The experience of members who entered the city council with the reformist list and then turned their backs on the people’s demands in the selection of the mayor, in the fight against corruption, and even in the impeachment of the incompetent mayor, and were influenced by the city’s bribes, as well as the experience of the Hope List in the parliament, where some individuals entered who had no qualifications for representing the parliament and their subsequent performance also showed the same weakness and mistakes (apart from another group who shone after being elected and remained faithful to their promises); shows that this time, more responsible measures should be taken in setting up lists that give the reformists a better chance of entering the councils.

The path of any type of banditry and party games must be blocked in favor of influential individuals, especially those who can use financial leverage to influence powerful currents that can put any list under their influence. Setting the final field list for the ethical-political test is for the reformists, which also has a multiplier effect on how people deal with presidential elections. The platform for reforms should not be a battlefield for those who want to take advantage of reformist ideas and gain power. The best thing for reformists to do is to clarify the process of forming lists, expand the circle of decision-makers, and respect collective wisdom.

The duty of civil society – especially in large cities and at the forefront of them, Tehran – is to prioritize the change of mayor through the council as one of its main goals in order to eliminate the aggressive security-military system from a major financial opportunity.

The council that finalizes the list of reformists, with Mr. Khatami at its head, must now be accountable for the performance of those listed. In the absence of parties, these individuals who have been active in anonymous or non-party institutions must take responsibility for their candidates. This requires the summary of previous experiences by these councils (and Mr. Khatami) and the systematic use of positive and negative experiences for future lists and representatives. So it shall be.