Welcome to Ahvaz, the most polluted city in the world!

Posted on January 23, 2014July 10, 2024 by admin

“Ahvaz is the most polluted city in the world.” This was the headline news that went on all news agencies last month. A comprehensive report by the World Health Organization on the top ten most polluted cities in the world, in which Iran had four cities: Ahvaz, Sanandaj, Kermanshah, and Yasuj.

Seeing raindrops behind the window and walking under them is one of the things that doesn’t happen often in Ahvaz. According to the reports of the National Meteorological Organization, the average annual rainfall in Khuzestan is less than 250 millimeters; which means, with a population of four and a half million people, each Khuzestani citizen’s share of annual rainfall is two-tenths of a second. This is accompanied by severe air pollution caused by industrial towns, oil refineries in Ahvaz and Abadan, and gas petrochemical plants in Mahshahr and Bandar Imam.

In recent years, toxic, radioactive and deadly dust storms have spread from the deserts of Iraq and Saudi Arabia to the western provinces of Iran. Karim Dahimi, a human rights activist, tells BBC Persian that the use of depleted uranium by the US in the Iraq War, particularly in Fallujah and Baghdad, has contributed to this issue. He says, “Dust and pollution are not a new problem, but it was not as severe before. The main reason for this is the drying up of the Hor al-Azim and other marshlands in the area, but with the implementation of the Karun-Zayandeh Rud water transfer project, most of them have dried up.”

Environmental authorities and representatives of the Iranian parliament have repeatedly spoken about the issue of Iraqi dust and its entry into Iran. However, Ghasan Ashour recently stated in an interview with BBC Persian that he is not entirely sure about the possibility of dust entering Iran from Iraq and called the issue regional. He said, “It is often heard that dust and sandstorms enter Iran from Iraq, but this is not true. For the past two years, with the increase in rainfall in Iraq, the amount of dust has significantly decreased. Additionally, in the border areas of Basra and Mehran, there is no wind that could transfer dust.”

All of this is happening while in the final days of this November, in the always dry and hot Ahvaz, it rained and people poured into the streets with excitement, raising their hands and taking a deep breath after a long time, thinking of the clean air; but unaware of the ammonia particles and acidic raindrops. By the end of the night, more than two thousand people from Ahvaz had gone to hospitals due to difficulty breathing, and this number had reached five thousand by the end of tomorrow’s noon and more than ten thousand by the end of the week.

“Thank God, representative of Ahvaz in the Iranian Parliament, Mr. Mousavi, states that nearly 19,000 people have been hospitalized in the past 20 days due to respiratory problems in Khuzestan province. Mr. Mousavi points out that there is still no accurate report on this matter and says, “The issue is that this respiratory condition will remain in these individuals in the future.”

But the position of the Khuzestan governorate on this matter was different. Asadollah Mousavi, the head of the emergency medical services in Khuzestan province, announced in an interview with Fars News Agency that according to one of the decisions of the Khuzestan governorate, the announcement of the number of people visiting emergency medical centers in this province due to illnesses caused by rainfall is prohibited. According to him, this decision was made during a meeting held on Thursday, November 29, at the Khuzestan governorate.

Amir, a student of industrial engineering at Ahvaz University, said in an interview with Khatt-e-Solh: “On Wednesday, November 28th, after the rain, we opened the windows to let some cool air into the house. After a few hours, my mother started feeling suffocated to the point where she couldn’t breathe anymore. We quickly took her to Golistan Hospital with the help of our family, and there we saw a flood of people who were facing the same problem. The hospital staff was not prepared to handle such a large number of patients, and after about an hour of waiting, we were given an empty bed and an oxygen capsule. The hospital manager came to meet with the patients and announced that it was not a serious issue and would be resolved soon, so there was no need to worry. However, the next day we found out that the situation had worsened and now the provincial government has issued a letter stating that the number of air

He also told us about the government and organizations’ efforts to deal with this issue: “For now, there is no news. The air in Tehran gets polluted in just two minutes, the whole city shuts down for two days, and people here are suffocating, but no one cares. We have become accustomed to these behaviors. The people of Khuzestan have known for a long time that their share from the government and these things is just a dead cemetery, a reminder of the war that they only remember once a year on the day of the liberation of Khorramshahr. The money from the oil barrels goes to other cities for building towers, buildings, and universities, and the pollution remains for us.”

In this regard, Naser Karami, a PhD in climatology, stated during his appearance on the first national television network of Iran: “During the early years of the war, until the time when Khuzestan was under bombardment, no one did anything to prevent these bombs from falling on the city of Tehran. Now, nothing is being done for the people of Khuzestan.”

He continued, “We have talked many times about the air pollution in cities like Tehran, Arak, and Mashhad, which at times may reach twice the standard limit. However, in Khuzestan province, on 30% of the days in a year, the air pollution is 50 times the legal limit.” The environmental expert added, “Currently, 97% of the people in Ahvaz are willing to migrate from this city; because they consider it an unsuitable and uninhabitable place.”

All of this is happening while Ahmad Shahid, the special rapporteur of the United Nations, also mentioned the polluted weather conditions in Khuzestan province in a section of his latest report. He stated in a part of his report: “The weak infrastructure of Khuzestan province is still one of the reasons for limited access to drinking water in many neighborhoods in this province. The Ahvaz water treatment plants, which were built for a population of about 2,222 people according to reports, now support a population of about one and a half million people. It was reported that the water quality in this area is so poor that it is even unusable for washing, and representatives of this area in parliament have expressed their concerns and requested action. After the Ahvaz Water and Sewerage Company did not announce to the residents that they had turned off the sewage treatment plant due to heavy rainfall or that they were unable to treat the water adequately, customers unknowingly consumed contaminated water

Now it is unknown who will answer the desperate cries of the mothers and fathers of Khuzestan. The desperate cries of the youth who want to build their lives amidst the smell of ammonia and the sight of smoke and the constant betrayals of governments. Khuzestan, who has always given the most and received the least. According to the Iranian government’s report in 2012, Khuzestan produces more than 68% of the country’s net income, yet it doesn’t even get its share of rain, only polluted and contaminated air to breathe. The factories that operate without proper supervision in a corner of the city every day, and the result is nothing but more difficulty in breathing for the people. Khuzestan, which even after the war, still dies every day under the bombardment of chemical pollutants.

Overview of the three-month performance of the Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance under the Rouhani government.

Posted on January 23, 2014July 10, 2024 by admin

Many artists and professionals in the field of art of the country, who were present in the election campaign of “Hassan Rouhani”, as well as those who witnessed the election events from outside, welcomed Rouhani’s cultural and artistic positions, who had nominated himself for the eleventh government of the Islamic Republic. But this welcome seemed to be for an “urgent government”!

Hassan Rouhani’s honeyed month and his election promises did not bear fruit in the cultural arena; neither in the selection of cultural ministers nor in demonstrating a serious determination to fulfill his pre-announced promises.

During the election campaign, Hassan Rouhani touched on sensitive issues that were present in the ninth and tenth governments, such as the traditional conservative approach in the cultural sphere. The discussion of book censorship, music, and cinema were among the topics he mentioned in his conversation with “Arman” newspaper.

Rouhani also mentioned the Journalists’ Association and the closed Cinema House, and in the field of culture, he made efforts to break the taboos. From including Mohammad Reza Shajarian’s voice in a commercial film, to the presence of supportive artistic figures of the Green Movement and imprisoned artists in the advertising campaign, all of these gave hope to the people of culture that the eight-year period of turmoil and, to put it figuratively, the “burnt land” of culture and art is expected to be revived once again.

In the season of introducing ministers, although some speculations were made about introducing Ahmad Masjed Jamei as the Minister of Culture, in the end Ali Jannati was chosen as the precise selection of Mr. Rouhani to be introduced as the Minister of Culture and Islamic Guidance.

In the gap between introducing the proposed option of the Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance, Mr. Jannati “shone brightly”; in two interviews he had with ISNA and Shargh, he spoke to reporters about his cultural ideals. Once again, the cultural community witnessed the repetition of the same promises made by Rouhani during the elections, this time from Jannati’s mouth, albeit in a softer tone. These two conversations were enough to push the most hardline principles of the Stability Front to the opposing side of the Minister of Guidance in parliament, and Hamid Rasaei went to the back of the parliament to oppose Ali Jannati and took a strong stance against his cultural views in these conversations.

With the vote of confidence from the parliament, Ali Jannati expressed his controversial opinion in an interview with Aseman magazine: “Eliminating pre-publication censorship.” In this conversation, he told Alireza Gholami that he does not believe in pre-publication censorship, as it is a form of censorship, and we should trust the publisher and the author. A collection of such opinions have been heard by the people, writers, publishers, and translators for the past 34 years after the Islamic Republic, but have received less attention from the officials of the Islamic Republic.

Following the spread of this conversation, a wave of various reactions emerged in the media, press, and cultural space. Some publishers wrote a letter to the Minister of Guidance in opposition to it, and rejected a part of his statements in which he had called for censorship to be entrusted to publishers.

Shortly after speaking with the weekly magazine “Aseman” and the Minister of Guidance on the sidelines of the government meeting, he rejected his previous statements and retreated from his position in a conversation with the reporter of the Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting.

It was from the very first weeks of the new Minister’s arrival at the Kamal Al-Molk Street building that this reality became apparent: the new Minister of Guidance lacks the necessary experience to take on the responsibility of a sensitive ministry such as the Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance, which holds special importance for the leader and other conservatives.

This reality will once again be revealed in the next two months and will also be showcased in other events.

Publishers and professionals in the field of culture believe that in the past eight years, not only did the previous dominant trend in the Ministry of Culture, with their personal preferences, impose irreparable cultural damages on the country, but they also tried to secure their presence in the cultural sphere by placing their trusted individuals in government-affiliated institutions or pseudo-private companies, in case they were to lose power. This is why in these eight years, licenses were issued for private and pseudo-governmental institutions for the government’s ideological allies and conservatives, and as a result, a significant portion of the country’s cultural budget was spent.

The topic that was brought up by the people of the cultural community in the first days of Ali Jannati’s tenure as a demand, was the clarification of the responsibilities of the numerous government foundations and organizations in the field of art, culture, and literature. With the absorption of non-governmental and independent activities in the past eight years, they were occupied with policy-making for cultural fields and attracting and absorbing cultural and artistic budgets from the Ministry of Guidance.

Institutions such as the Foundation of Storytelling Literature, whose function was to attract billions of rials of government funding without having a clear output or producing a clear cultural impact in the field of storytelling literature, were among them; one of which was the collection under the supervision of Mohammad Reza Sarshar. On the other hand, the Writers’ Association, which was supposed to play the role of an alternative to the government and the Iranian Writers’ Association, failed in its goals and with the dismissal of Mohammad Reza Sarshar from the board of directors in the second term of Ahmadinejad’s government, was able to survive once again with the injection of government budgets.

In summary, this series of movements was intended to be a substitute for independent, non-governmental and popular activities in the field of literature and culture that had formed in previous years and were banned during the Ahmadinejad era.

Although the people of culture and literature did not show much support for this change in government, the artists, especially filmmakers, were able to reclaim their homes. Prior to this, the Minister of Culture and Guidance had once again responded to a reporter’s question about the reopening of cinemas by saying that instead of one cinema, we may have two cinemas. This response sparked a wave of ridicule against Ali Jannati in the film community, but in the end, Iranian filmmakers were able to unseal their homes and enter their courtyard on National Cinema Day.

Although the pressure to remove the twelfth board of directors of the Cinema House was so strong that Mohammad Mehdi Asgarpour could not resist it. Despite the promises made by the eleventh government to reopen the Cinema House, the issue of entrusting the supervision of films and cinema to the people of this profession remained on the ground and “our protector is willing” in this field, the cinema organization is still a government institution for policy-making and implementation in the field of cinema under the presidency of the president. However, Jafar Panahi has been deprived of filmmaking and leaving the country for 20 years and Iranian documentary filmmakers are still being detained by security forces upon entering the country.

In the field of music, once again we witnessed self-indulgence in canceling pop and even traditional music concerts. In the first three months of Rouhani’s government, at least 12 concert cancellations were reported by state news agencies and media outlets.

Mohammad Reza Shajarian, Hossein Zaman, and Arya Aramnejad are among the singers of various styles who are still officially considered banned. Alongside them, many others in this art are still underground. Although the selection of the artistic deputy has caused dissatisfaction among some groups, others have also evaluated Ali Jannati’s appointment positively due to his cultural background.

In this field, the head of the music house raised a protest and launched a wave of threats and pressure against the Pirnia family, which forced him to resign. However, in a rare event, Ali Jenti came to the field and defended the Pirnia family, arguing that the sanctity of women’s solo singing is only seen as a problem by some Islamic scholars because of the corruptions surrounding it, and if women’s solo singing is free from corruption and extravagance, there is no issue with it.

Ali Jannati’s statement was enough to once again raise the wave of protest against him from Qom and the holy city of Shiraz; once again, another careless remark from the Minister of Culture and Islamic Guidance sparked a clash between him and the conservatives who had been in control of the country’s culture and art for eight years.

If we take another look at the field of culture and books, the delayed selection of the Deputy of Culture, which is one of the most sensitive responsibilities in the Ministry of Guidance, shows hesitation in finding a suitable option for this position. But what raised the voices of the cultural people the most was the remaining of the previous officials responsible for censorship in their seats. One of these figures, who has many opponents among professional publishers and banned writers, is Elhiyari, the conservative head and close to the house of Mosbah Yazdi in the Book Administration.

Not fulfilling the promise of accountability by the censorship department, the one-sided relationship between publishers and writers with the censorship department, the possibility of reconsideration regarding the announced inspection for book censorship, and the possibility of resuming the activities of publishers whose publishing licenses have been revoked or suspended in the past eight years, are among the cultural promises that remain unfulfilled in the file of demands from the book community, and are still being ignored!

At the end, we must remember the late, blessed member of the Iranian Journalists Association, who, although Hassan Rouhani mentioned him at least twice during his election campaigns and promised to open him up to the media, did not fulfill this promise and chose not to mention him in his 100-day government report on television.

In the field of media, although the threat of cutting the allocation of independent media subsidies is still hanging over the heads of journalists like the sword of Damocles, the worst action was the performance of the Media Supervisory Board during the closure of the newspapers Bahar, Nabod, and Etemad. The lack of necessary determination in the Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance to prevent the closure of newspapers such as Nashat, Ham-Mihan, and Tose’e was also concerning. On the other hand, many journalists are still serving their sentences from the year 1388.

In this same field of the Ministry of Guidance, which had promised to reconsider its policies on filtering in the committee, it once again retreated from its position.

In an accelerated evaluation of the first three months of Hassan Rouhani’s government, part of his cultural record can be positively evaluated and another part negatively. The most important positive event in this section so far has been the reopening of cinemas.

Iranians have a proverb that says “One flower does not make a spring”, but we have heard that in Japanese culture there is a proverb that says “Spring begins with one flower.” If we are not hasty, perhaps three months may be enough time to achieve these few promises, but undoubtedly, compensating for some of the losses of the past eight years may require just as much time.

Legal analysis of the detention of Green Movement leaders in Iran.

Posted on January 23, 2014July 10, 2024 by admin

Mir Hossein Mousavi, the former Prime Minister of the Islamic Republic, and Mehdi Karroubi, the former head of the Islamic Consultative Assembly, were the candidates for the 1388 presidential election. In that same year, the former President, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, was declared the winner of the election in a controversial situation. This announcement led to widespread protests by supporters of these two candidates in Tehran and some major cities in Iran, which unfortunately were brutally suppressed by the Iranian government officials. Following these suppressions, many journalists, government critics, and activists associated with Mousavi and Karroubi’s election campaigns were arrested and put on trial. The Iranian government officials, who closely monitored the activities of Mehdi Karroubi and Mir Hossein Mousavi and their spouses after the election, confiscated and then seized the newspapers of the two presidential candidates, “National Trust” and “Green Word”. In late Bahman 1389, without any charges or court proceedings

While according to:

1- “من در حال حاضر در حال تحصیل در دانشگاه هستم”

1- “I am currently studying at university.”

Principles 22, 32 and 33 of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran state that: the dignity, life, and rights of individuals are protected from infringement except by the order of the law – no one can be arrested except in the manner prescribed by law – no one can be prohibited from residing in their desired location except in cases where the law allows it, and the principle of innocence is upheld unless their guilt is proven in a fair court.

2-. This text is incomplete and cannot be translated accurately without the full context. Please provide the complete Farsi text for an accurate translation.

Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which includes Articles 1-13 and 19: No one shall be subjected to arbitrary arrest, detention, or exile – Everyone charged with a criminal offense is entitled to be presumed innocent until proven guilty according to law in a public trial at which they have had all the guarantees necessary for their defense – Every person has the right to freedom of movement and residence within the borders of their country – No one shall be arbitrarily interfered with in their private life, family, home, or correspondence – Everyone has the right to freedom of thought and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive, and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers.

“من از تو متشکرم”

I am grateful to you. –

And the Criminal Procedure Code of Iran, which even in Article 124 requires the presence of sufficient evidence for the summons of the accused.

Every person who is accused must be clearly informed of the charges against them and provided with evidence and proof. After presenting their defense, multiple sessions should be held and a fair trial should take place, giving them the opportunity to protest and, if there is evidence, a verdict should be issued and ultimately executed. Unfortunately, in the case of these three Iranian citizens, none of these steps have been taken and they have been imprisoned for over a thousand days without any proper investigation or proof of their alleged crimes, solely based on the orders of the country’s leaders. Therefore, imprisoning these individuals without any legal proceedings, such as informing them of the charges, holding a trial, giving them the right to defend themselves, and issuing a final verdict, is a clear violation of human rights in Iran. Even if this house arrest was limited to being under surveillance in their own homes, the violation of their rights would still be less severe than their current situation. With this house arrest, without any reason (as

This prominent example of human rights violation has been repeatedly confirmed by Iranian government officials and even under the orders of the leader of the Islamic Republic, using the excuse of freeing them from being killed by Basijis and revolutionary extremists. It has been protested and condemned by various authorities of different countries, including the United Nations, the United States, Germany, France, etc. Despite this, the leaders of the nation continue to carry out this domestic imprisonment without any concern and violate international laws, declarations, and even the Charter of Citizenship.

As a result, not only one charter, but even if thousands of charters for citizen and human rights are designed and approved in Iran, the lawlessness, oppression, and injustice will continue to exist for Iran and Iranians.

The necessity of men and boys’ participation in the fight to end violence against women.

Posted on January 23, 2014July 10, 2024 by admin

It may seem foolish to be optimistic about International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women on November 25th. The World Health Organization emphasizes that one in three women is subjected to violence by their male partners. A recent study by the United Nations in six Asian countries shows that one in four men has committed rape. However, our optimism stems from an extraordinary change happening all over the world. More and more men are finally joining women in saying that all forms of violence against women must end. Even men in the corners of the world are criticizing themselves and saying that we must play a key role in creating a future free of violence against women.

In India, Africa, and the Middle East, men have joined women in protesting against the widespread crimes against women. Similarly, in America and Europe, they are increasingly speaking out about this issue. Along with women, we also demand that governments support laws in this regard and enforce them. News from Britain indicates that the Clare’s Law is being implemented throughout England and Wales; this is an example of victories in this area. We hope to hear more and more news like this.

Right now, this challenge is expected to go even further; yes, protests and demonstrations attract attention and yes, detaining [offending] men and keeping them accountable is a crucial issue, but it is not enough.

“Now is the time to seriously address prevention in this matter, it is time to involve men and boys in solving it.”

The collected evidence and findings, currently being expanded, include the “International Research on Men and Gender Equality” with the participation of 15,000 men from 10 countries around the world, indicating two key factors behind violence.

Firstly, men who have witnessed their fathers’ violence at home during childhood are twice as likely to exhibit violence against their sexual partners compared to other men.

Secondly, it is about those who mainly believe in stereotypical notions of masculinity, that men should dominate women and that men have the right to control women’s bodies. As feminists and researchers believe, violence against women is a product of unequal power relations and as our activism in the past three decades has shown, this violence results in raising boys to become men based on impossible stereotypes of masculinity.

Putting an end to these acts of violence requires much more effort than simple campaigns against drunk driving and smoking. We must get to the root of this problem.

We teach teachers in various parts of the world to bring basic reasons and methods of preventing violence to the classroom. We train mentors to talk to boys about respecting women and girls.

Through our new international program “Men’s Care”, we are currently educating new fathers on positive parenting methods that reject any form of physical punishment. We also aim to implicitly affirm that using power and violence against others is unacceptable. At the same time, we are working towards changing policies, including improving parental leave laws (leave with/without pay that allows working parents more time to be with their children), which will result in a better role for fathers.

“We are also working with religious leaders, such as the efforts of the White Ribbon group in Pakistan, Canada, and Lebanon, using places of worship and religious sites to show that no religion condones violence against women. We are also engaging with men in the workplace; for example, in Australia, to change cultures that say to stay silent against men who use violence.”

In Rwanda and its neighboring country, the Democratic Republic of Congo, our non-profit organization called Promundo creates spaces where men and boys can overcome the violence they have experienced.

In Rio de Janeiro (Brazil), the Promundo group uses football leagues to engage and dialogue with men of all ages to end violence against women. Players discuss relationships and peaceful ways to resolve conflicts between couples. On game days, statements, posters, and radio programs about respecting women and being non-violent, especially for fathers, are broadcasted. Reports from participants in these programs show a decrease from 27% to 7% in physical violence against their sexual partners.

A combination of effective programs, increasing awareness, changing policies, and strong public voices turns this anger (of violence against women) into action and then into transformation. This action allows us to create situations where violence is stopped before it happens.

To achieve a “lasting end” to violence against women, it is time to move beyond small-scale programs that are being implemented with the hard work of NGOs and turn these programs into large-scale initiatives in our communities, schools, and workplaces. Let us change our families and create a future where women, our children, and of course men, truly deserve it.

Source: Guardian

Ali Karimi, a magician with the morals of a champion.

Posted on January 23, 2014July 10, 2024 by admin

Ali Karimi is one of the phenomena of Iranian football. European players have spoken highly of his football technique. Despite facing discrimination and deprivation throughout his sports career, his list of achievements is not less than other famous Asian players. He has been nicknamed the “magician of Iranian football,” but his fame is not limited to the football field. He has also achieved successes outside of the green field.

Ali Karimi is a controversial figure and a outspoken critic of Iranian football. His media controversies have never been for materialistic reasons. You will never see him giving interviews about his overdue rights. He is not one to appear on television programs.

His support for the protesters of the election results, by wearing a green armband during a game against South Korea and refusing to open it during halftime, only added to his popularity among the people. This act also put his football career under the spotlight and led to his dismissal from the national team, despite his qualifications.

Although Javad Nekounam and

“Do not let the prisoners of Qezel Hesar be alone in their fight against execution.”

Posted on January 23, 2014July 10, 2024 by admin

In early December of this year, in a collective action, more than a thousand prisoners sentenced to death in Qazalhessar prison in Karaj went on a hunger strike; this strike was in response to the transfer of eleven prisoners to solitary cells for the execution of their sentences.

This hunger strike, which is in protest against the wave of mass executions and the perceived danger to the fate of prisoners sentenced to death, did not continue for more than a few days and ended with no result and disappeared from the news. Perhaps the repetition of the execution issue caused this news to not be paid attention to as it should have been; although in any case, such news and events are the best opportunity to raise awareness in society about the death penalty and to strive for its abolition and reduction.

Qazal Hasar Prison in Karaj, with approximately 15,000 prisoners, is considered one of the largest prisons in the Middle East. What is more important is that the segregation and division of prisoners in different units of this prison is such that the majority of death row inmates are imprisoned together in one of the units; Unit 2 of Qazal Hasar Prison in Karaj has a capacity of approximately 5,000 people, the majority of whom are death row inmates convicted of drug-related crimes.

This was the umpteenth mass strike in Qezel Hessar prison in Karaj. As an example, in June 2013, more than two thousand prisoners from Unit 2 of this prison went on a hunger strike in protest against the disappearance of one of the former prison guards, the management of this unit, as well as the lack of welfare facilities and lack of judicial attention.

Even prisoners refused to negotiate with prison authorities and declared that they would not end their strike until the removal of the new chief, but ultimately this strike ended with the transfer of more than thirty prisoners to solitary confinement and the threats and lies of prison officials.

According to the prisoners, this prison guard had previously issued orders to shoot at protesting prisoners in the winter of 1389 and had played a direct role in the shooting and killing of prisoners.

On February 14, 2011, a group of prisoners from Unit 2 of Qezel Hesar Prison in Karaj took control of a section of the prison for a few hours. During the clash between special forces and rebellious prisoners, some of them were killed and others were injured.

The prison organization had stated in its report that the rebellious prisoners were wicked individuals who had been sentenced to death. Additionally, at that time, the organization claimed that the prisoners intended to cause destruction in the prison, and at that moment, special prison forces intervened and were able to suppress the rebellion with great force.

According to human rights sources, the reason for this uprising was protest against the poor conditions in the prison and the halt of the execution of ten prisoners. Approximately three thousand protesting prisoners initially began their protest by going on a hunger strike and chanting slogans such as “executions must be stopped”. The protests escalated and resulted in breaking down the prison doors. The prisoners then managed to reach the prison yard and attempted to escape by climbing the prison walls.

Human rights sources mentioned “hundreds of people” as the number of casualties and injuries, and listed the cause of their deaths as direct firing of real bullets, estimating only the number of injuries caused by military bullets to be over one hundred and fifty.

Prisoners sentenced to death are held in Qezel Hesar prison, in their self-organized struggle, without any organized structures, resources, or even sufficient attention from human rights defenders in Iran, they did not settle for hunger strikes or internal prison confrontations. As an example of their efforts to bring this protest and struggle outside of the prison, last year, dozens of families of these individuals went to Pasteur Street and in front of the Leader’s house twice, to peacefully gather and make their voices of protest and demand for their execution to be heard by the authorities. However, as always, the evil alliance of the judicial and security system responded to them with iron fists and mass executions of prisoners.

Despite the fact that the prisoners sentenced to execution in Qezel Hesar are mostly from marginalized and even illiterate sectors of society, they have come to understand the power of human rights organizations and institutions as a powerful tool in this struggle. In addition to numerous daily correspondences with officials and government institutions, these organizations have recognized the power of human rights organizations and institutions as a powerful tool in this struggle. According to reliable information, human rights organizations receive daily calls and reports from Qezel Hesar prisoners and respond to their requests through all possible means.

About Qazal Hasar, the beating heart of the fight against execution in Iran, can still be written, but above all, it is enough to understand the quality and serious determination for this relentless struggle that is ongoing in prisons; an understanding that carries a clear historical responsibility for human rights defenders. In Iran, there has always been a fight to abolish execution, at least in recent decades, under various titles. However, neglect and disregard for the powerful force of prisoners who, whether based on belief or fear of death, unite and pay the cost of this struggle with their lives, will be a great mistake on the part of human rights activists.

Iran, under the rule of the Islamic Republic, has traditionally and consistently been at the top of the list of countries with the highest number of executions per year. In terms of per capita executions, it ranks first among countries in the world. This is despite the fact that with the increase in executions this year, it has also set a new record. (5)

Thousands of prisoners sentenced to execution in Iranian prisons and the aforementioned prison are the highest capital and human resources possible in the fight against execution, who have the maximum determination and seriousness to fight considering their conditions. These victims, who have portrayed their will to save themselves in every possible way for Iranian civil society, need more attention from the media, organizations, and human rights activists to become a model for other silent victims of this sentence throughout the country under the protection of Iranian society, by reducing the heavy cost of this struggle for them.

Sources:

Execution of 11 suspects of drug trafficking in Ghazl Hasar, Hrana News Agency, 5 December 2013.

2- A protest strike by 2100 prisoners at Qezelhesar Prison in Karaj, on the same day, 1st of Khordad 1392.

3- The bloody uprising of Qezel Hesar prisoners was suppressed, Voice of America website, 25 Esfand 1389.

4- Hundreds killed and injured in Qezelhesar Prison in protest against the execution orders, HRANA News Agency, 25 Esfand 1389.

5- Expressing Concern of Human Rights Groups about the Increase in Executions in Iran, BBC Persian Website, October 9, 2013.

“1000 Days of Solitude: A Summary Report of the Detention of Green Movement Leaders”

Posted on January 23, 2014July 10, 2024 by admin

The confinement of recognized leaders of the Green Movement, which formed after protesting the results of the presidential election, is considered one of the major challenges of the Islamic Republic government in the field of human rights, which after more than a thousand days, still remains unresolved; with the change of the new government in Iran, known as the moderate government, hopes for the release of the leaders of the Green Movement have increased more than ever before.

The confinement of the leaders of the Green Movement, along with their spouses, began after their call to gather on the 25th of Bahman 1389, with the siege of the home of these two high-ranking former officials of the Islamic Republic. This became more serious with the speech of Ahmad Jannati on the Friday prayer of the 29th of Bahman, and officially began on the first of Esfand of that year.

From the early days of the siege, a flood of critical positions and statements from human rights groups, political groups, and personalities began. The first days of the siege coincided with street protests on protest Wednesdays, one of the main demands of the protesters being the release of the leaders. In the midst of this, global protests against the siege of these two presidential candidates also began; a campaign that has not yet yielded results.

By suppressing the street protests, Mehdi Karroubi was transferred to a small apartment belonging to the Ministry of Intelligence, and with this relocation, Fatemeh Karroubi separated from her husband due to the problems of the new place and practically left the house arrest. After a few days, Mohammad Taghi Karroubi and the daughters of Mir Hossein Mousavi and Zahra Rahnavard were able to meet with their parents under special security measures.

Lack of access to fresh air and walking, detention or threat of children, prevention from attending ceremonies of close relatives, presence of officials in meetings, long-term prohibition of visitation, prohibition of visitation of certain family members, insulting and sometimes physically assaulting children during entry or exit from the place of confinement, spreading false news and reports by media close to the government about their health, restrictions and sometimes prevention of phone calls and limited access to books and media are among the most important violations of the rights of these three individuals during this period. In addition, the transfer of Mehdi Karroubi to the hospital was prevented three times, which has resulted in high blood pressure, vitamin D deficiency, lung infection, heart rhythm problems, joint pain, and knee arthritis. Furthermore, Mir Hossein Mousavi also suffered a severe heart condition once.

Until today, no one has taken responsibility for the siege, but with the emergence of the Hassan Rouhani government, talking about it is no longer taboo and the new challenge of the Rouhani government and the judicial system has created contradictory statements from judicial officials in response to this question.

Gholam Hossein Mohseni Ejei, the Attorney General of the country who had previously spoken about the restriction of movement and cutting off of telephone communications without confirmation of house arrest, and considered it to be in the best interest of himself, Mousavi, Karroubi, and Rahnavard, in his current discourse raises the issue of a type of “punishment” that is expected to continue. The Minister of Justice of the Hassan Rouhani government also stated that the case of the leaders of the Green Movement has been referred to the Supreme National Security Council. Although the statement of this government official proves the illegality of the house arrest, it has still created hopes among the supporters of Mir Hossein Mousavi and Mehdi Karroubi; because the head of the National Security Council is Hassan Rouhani and its secretary is Ali Shamkhani, the former Minister of Defense during the reform period.

According to Article 176 of the Iranian Constitution, one of the goals of the National Security Council is to determine defense and security policies within the framework of the overall policies set by the leadership; in other words, the implementation of any executive restrictions will be lifted if they are in conflict with the overall policies of the leader.

In such a painting, with regard to the promises of Mr. Hassan Rouhani and the implicit confirmation of these promises in his speech on December 7th, the hope of human rights activists and his supporters remains for the end of this process and the lifting of the house arrest of Mr. Mousavi, Mr. Karroubi, and Mrs. Rahnavard.

A look at the black market for books in Iran and the absence of a legal system called copyright.

Posted on January 23, 2014July 10, 2024 by admin

It is likely that if a German traveler takes a stroll on Enqelab Street in Tehran, which is home to the book market and also the center of book, CD, and DVD street vendors in the city, they will be amazed to see that the book “Mein Kampf” by Hitler, which is not allowed to be published in Germany itself, is being sold with an official permit from the Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance in bookstores; however, some novels by George Orwell, Milan Kundera, D.H. Lawrence, and others must be purchased from the black market due to their prohibition, which is also a thriving market.

Undoubtedly, this imaginary traveler of ours will be amazed that they can easily purchase the newest Hollywood films that have not yet been released in Europe from street vendors on DVD, with the best quality and Persian subtitles, for about forty cents. The price of Windows software, Photoshop, or computer games is sometimes even cheaper than this. The black market may not be as cheap, but it is still more cost-effective compared to original books with official printing licenses.

Iran has one of the most thriving black markets in the world for prohibited goods, ranging from drugs and alcohol to DVDs of movies and music, and books. One of the main reasons for the growth of this black market is the weak laws and lack of government protection for domestic products, as well as Iran’s failure to join the Geneva Convention, also known as the Copyright Treaty, which protects the rights of authors.

The widespread and organized distribution network, along with the low cost of these products, especially in terms of book quality, reinforces the belief that some government officials are involved in this highly profitable business. This suspicion and belief is also prevalent in the market for alcoholic beverages and drugs, which are much more profitable than books and electronic software. Although this underground trade is detrimental to cultural policies of the government, it still involves some government officials due to its profitability.

The effects of censorship, the top candidates of the black market book.

In Iran, works that are subject to censorship have a good chance of being released in the black market without censorship. But which areas are more likely to be censored? In Iran, especially books from certain sensitive areas are closely examined and censored with more strictness.

Criticism or having a different perspective on the political views of the Islamic Republic of Iran is considered taboo. For example, criticizing the leader of Iran or expressing opposition to the declared views of the leader, Iran’s nuclear program, proposing relations with America or Israel, and criticizing the clergy are all considered taboo subjects.

2. There are works in criticism of religion, especially Shia religion, that promote other religions, even works with a different approach from the official viewpoint of the Islamic Republic about religion (for example, in recent years, books on Eastern mysticism have not been allowed to be published, with the assumption that they are considered a rival to Islam) and are often not allowed to be published or heavily censored.

3. Works in which scenes and erotic or even private relationships outside of marriage are depicted, are censored or not allowed to be published.

4. Works that are considered by Iranian censors to promote Western lifestyle are either censored or not allowed to be published. For example, scenes of drinking alcohol, dancing, women’s nudity, and sometimes even mentioning jazz music and ties and bowties have been censored.

The intensity of censorship and sensitivity varies in each of the mentioned areas. For example, political censorship is carried out with greater intensity, followed by religious censorship, then moral censorship, and finally cultural censorship with precision and seriousness.

But the main issue in this matter is the lack of a specific guideline for censorship. As a result, censorship is carried out without clear and definite rules, and it is subject to the discretion of the censorship department employees. Therefore, most of the time, the personal interpretation and discretion of the censorship employee intensifies the censorship. For example, there have been instances where novels against fascism or other totalitarian systems have not been granted permission for publication under the interpretation that it indirectly criticizes the Islamic Republic or the system of Wilayat al-Faqih.

Examples of black market book works.

More or less, any book that is well received by readers, brings its head out of the black market. The majority of the black market is dedicated to books that are popular but not allowed to be published. Many of these books were published during the previous government and now, in the Islamic Republic, their publication is met with obstacles. For example, novels and romantic or erotic poems such as the works of Forough Farrokhzad, D.H. Lawrence, Nana by Emile Zola, romantic and popular novels by Iranian writers such as Mohammad Hjazi, R. Etemadi, Parviz Ghazi Saeed, and others; works with anti-religious themes or a critical approach to religion, such as some of the stories and writings of Sadeq Hedayat, works by Ahmad Kasravi, thirty-three years by Ali Dashti, and others; and in general, books that for whatever reason are deemed harmful by the censors, such as

Sometimes, books from the black market were allowed to be published during previous governments, for example during the presidency of Mohammad Khatami. However, with the cancellation of their publishing license in later governments, they were removed from the black market. Works such as Milan Kundera’s novels, 1984 by George Orwell, and Animal Farm by George Orwell fall into this category. Sometimes, works can be found in the black market that were initially granted a publishing license during authoritarian governments like Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s, but were later confiscated. These include My Sad Russian Memories by Marquez, or Narcissus and Goldmund by Hermann Hesse.

One should not assume that all books in the black market are ones that have been officially banned. Sometimes, books that are in high demand are illegally copied and reproduced underground, and sold at a lower price without the permission of the publisher or the authors. This includes dictionaries, encyclopedias, university textbooks, and popular novels such as Harry Potter. Interestingly, sometimes these unofficial copies, made using different techniques such as xerox, risograph, etc., have better quality than the original versions due to the use of higher quality paper or better binding. They are also sold at a lower price due to not having to pay for expenses such as typesetting, cover design, copyright, or translation.

Most of the mentioned books can easily be obtained from street vendors, but some books are also found that no one dares to directly sell in the market. These works are books that have been written directly or indirectly against the leader of the Islamic Republic or the Islamic government, such as books by anti-Islamic Republic groups. It is therefore surprising that sometimes books criticizing or even rejecting Islam can be found in the streets of Tehran, but printing and selling even underground critical political works against the Islamic Republic is much more dangerous and is closely monitored and punished with special sensitivity.

Some observations about the black market for books in Iran.

In any case, having a book listed on the Ministry of Culture’s blacklist is a great opportunity for wider distribution in the black market. In this situation, only those who follow the law, namely the official publisher, author, and translator, suffer financially, but the work itself, which sells an average of two to three thousand copies in its legal form, reaches higher circulation (depending on market demand, sometimes up to tens of thousands of copies) and exposes its underground duplicators to considerable profits.

A humorous point in this matter is that some writers who, for whatever reason, do not have high hopes for the sale of their work, welcome the inclusion of their book’s name in the black list of the Ministry of Culture and other government institutions. It has even been seen that some writers have tried various methods, such as spreading rumors or writing critical reviews under a pseudonym against their own book, in order to make their work condemned by government institutions and gain fame, and to create demand in the black market for their work.

However, the existence of the black market and the lack of acceptance of copyright laws have not been beneficial to consumers. In addition to causing financial harm to publishers and authors, the black market and disregard for copyright laws have also caused harm to readers for various reasons. For example, the disregard for copyright laws in Iran has led to the publication of numerous low-quality translations of popular books. Sometimes, individuals have even sent a book to the market under a new translation name after making minor changes and rewriting an old translation. In a previous generation, during a period when the works of Austrian writer Stefan Zweig suddenly became fashionable, profit-seeking publishers also released the works of other authors under the name of Stefan Zweig. This misfortune also befell writers such as Agatha Christie and Aziz Nesin. It is said that the number of works published by these authors in Iran is more than the number of their own books!

Furthermore, the uncontrollable black market has resulted in never having accurate statistics on the sales or number of readers of banned works. For example, no one knows how many hundreds of thousands of copies of Sadegh Hedayat’s novel “Blind Owl”, the father of modern Iranian fiction, have been published so far. In addition, the prevalence of the phenomenon of producing electronic versions and even PDFs of books and sharing them online without the permission of the publisher or owner of the work has practically made it impossible to estimate the number of readers of a work.

…and the empty space of the law is the right of the author.

Iran’s failure to join the Geneva Convention on Copyright has caused dissatisfaction and anger among publishers and writers around the world towards Iranian publishers, and has tarnished the printing and publishing industry in Iran in other countries, especially in Europe and North America. On a larger scale, Iran’s refusal to accept this treaty is also seen as a barrier to the country’s accession to the World Trade Organization.

Although many writers, translators, and even some Iranian readers are in favor of Iran joining the copyright treaty, neither government officials nor most publishers are particularly concerned about it.

Government officials know that by joining this agreement, foreign publishers will not easily be given permission to censor their books in Iran. However, the main reason for the reluctance of Iranian publishers has another cause. Due to the crisis in the book publishing industry in Iran, caused by high printing and publishing costs, low reading rates, and consequently low numbers of printed books, strict auditing by government institutions, and so on, publishers are afraid that adding another cost in the form of copyright fees will hinder their already difficult activities.

However, in recent years, some publishers have tried to convince foreign publishers of the critical state of publishing in Iran through negotiations, in order to gain their agreement to easily grant permission for their works to be published by Iranian publishers. On the other hand, many foreign publishers have also agreed to comply with symbolic copyright from Iranian publishers after becoming aware of the publishing situation in Iran.

In this way, it seems that gradually intermediate solutions will be found and more publishers will join publishers such as Ghoghnoos and Ofoq, who obtain permission to translate and publish from foreign publishers. Undoubtedly, in this case, Iranian readers will have more confidence in the quality of translations and will turn to these books.