The problem with media and specifically news media in Iran is a structural problem. This is because in the eyes of statesmen and rulers, media and news media should serve the government’s propaganda.

This is a perspective that brings the media under control and believes that every message published by the media, is like a needle in the mind of the audience and the audience accepts it.

This absolutist, polarizing, and single-minded view aims to control the media on one hand, and on the other hand believes that the function of media is to align public opinion with the desires of the government and state, and whatever they broadcast is directly implanted in the minds of the audience. This theory dates back to the 1940s and 1950s, with its roots in totalitarian regimes such as Nazi Germany and Goebbels; it is essentially based on the policies and methods of totalitarian governments. In totalitarian governments, leadership and the system of leadership are hierarchical, and the people are viewed from the top down. They must listen to and act upon any message sent by the leaders, and the lower classes must follow the same ideology. Therefore, this view of the media is common in totalitarian governments, whether it be in North Korea or a religious dictatorship.

Based on this, the approach of the Islamic Republic towards the media and the system of media politics is a decisive and hegemonic view to suppress and censor them and bring them under control. The goal is for the general audience to align with the government and spread state propaganda among the people. This view has existed for the past thirty years, particularly in state radio and television, and has been seen in guided and supportive cinema and in the media in a clear and open manner. The media must have a license, and the editors-in-chief usually have a background in the military and security, and even the paper they use is provided by the Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance. This means that if we imagine all stages from zero to one hundred, they are all under government control. Now, this has gone beyond the censorship imposed by editors and editorial boards, and has even reached self-censorship by writers themselves.

Another problem is the party’s approach towards the media. In this totalitarian religious system, there is a certain approach that makes the situation of news media, including newspapers, radio, and television, much worse, both inside and outside the country, and prevents them from functioning professionally. As a party, you create a news website, newspaper, weekly or monthly magazine, which is essentially the party’s propaganda platform. You either use the party’s name directly (for example, the Kargozaran newspaper) or you don’t. Those who work in these media outlets are also committed to promoting the party’s ideology and the party’s leaders. Therefore, we are faced with party journalists who are more focused on media activities rather than political activities. This trend, which has grown in recent years and after the second of Khordad (Iranian presidential election), is in conflict with the goals and framework of journalism because the ethical rules of journalism prevent you from having official party activities.

Journalism ethics has principles that should be respected in any situation, and one of the major flaws of partisan journalism is ignoring such principles. If you are interviewing someone who has officially violated and attacked your country, you must adhere to these ethics; do not destroy the subject, do not eliminate it, and do not turn it into a one-time use. Something that has also become a trend outside the country is taking so-called challenging interviews, which is done by reporters whose usual job is to conduct interviews and it seems more like a way to gather customers for one or two partisan reporters.

The approach of the Islamic Republic and the party’s approach to the media are two fundamental problems that we are facing. Both of these issues have caused our media situation to remain generally unprofessional and amateur, and the majority of media outlets are either single-minded and under the control of the ruling party or the reformist opposition. As a result, there has not been a truly independent media outlet, and even if there were, it has not been able to compete with the mainstream media.

Currently, about a year has passed since the presidency of Rouhani and during this time, despite the reform promises made by the Rouhani government in their election slogans every four years, we have not only not seen any significant changes in the atmosphere, but in some cases, the situation has worsened. In our discussion, the continuation of website and social media filtering, the continuation of parasitism on some satellite networks, censorship and confiscation of newspapers, and the summoning, threatening, and arresting of journalists all indicate this lack of change.

The issue that has changed in this year and needs to be addressed is that during the Ahmadinejad era, those who were simply opposed to his faction and government would criticize the government as a whole and even challenge it with satire in many cases. However, now those who voted for Rouhani are preventing any kind of criticism and believe that he should be given a chance.

This means that, in fact, while no changes have occurred, the space for freedom of expression and media has become more restricted by supporters of the government. Now we are also facing another group who immediately defend Rouhani’s government as soon as criticism is made. In the midst of all this, the role of partisan journalists and their affiliation with their own economic interests should not be forgotten in guiding this poisoned and monopolistic movement.

Currently, domestic media in the country mostly promote the views of conservative parties, while foreign media mostly promote the views of reformist parties and have left no room for opposing voices. With such a view towards the role and function of media, which serves as a gatekeeper of news and a promoter of certain agendas, and also in the selection of human resources, there is little hope for improvement in the situation of Persian-language media until media associations or international institutions related to media openly adopt a non-partisan approach. This can only happen if Iranian journalists gain a new level of self-awareness and independent and professional media outlets are able to grow.